The digital economy has reshaped global trade, allowing companies such as Google, Apple, Facebook and Amazon, commonly referred to as GAFAM, to establish themselves as key players. However, these multinationals continue to benefit from tax regimes that are far more favourable than those available to traditional companies in Europe. According to the European Commission, in a statement issued in January 2019, digital companies pay an average effective tax rate of only 9.5%, compared with around 23.2% for traditional business models1. This finding is reinforced by a report from the European Taxation Observatory, which states that despite the adoption of new international rules, large digital companies continue to enjoy effective rates of less than 15% thanks to tax optimisation strategies2.
This situation highlights the European Union’s current inability to effectively regulate an increasingly dematerialised economy. Although the OECD, in a report on the digitalisation of the global economy, notes that traditional taxation based on territoriality no longer meets the needs of a globalised digital economy3, tangible progress remains limited. The main problem remains the establishment of a fair and consistent tax framework to counter the aggressive tax avoidance mechanisms used by these giants.
With his expertise in international taxation, Martin Collet, professor at the University of Paris-Panthéon-Assas, provides an in-depth analysis of the challenges of taxing GAFAM. His work reveals the inconsistencies of the global tax system in the face of the rise of the digital economy, and he warns of the risks of tax distortion resulting from national approaches such as the GAFA tax. His article “Taxation of the digital economy: global challenge, local responses4?” illustrates his call for concerted reform at the international level.
#1 Is the lack of unanimity preventing Europe from establishing a coherent digital tax system?
TRUE: “The European Union is unable to introduce harmonised digital taxation due to a lack of unanimity among its Member States.”
The introduction of a unified digital tax within the Council of the European Union faces a major obstacle: the lack of unanimity among Member States. As Martin Collet explains, “when it comes to taxation, the treaties are extremely clear: unanimity is required for a measure to be adopted. There are a few exceptions for indirect taxation, such as VAT and certain taxes on alcohol, but unanimity is required for other tax measures.” This principle allows a single country to block the adoption of a reform. For example, in 2019, Ireland, Sweden and Denmark vetoed the proposed digital services tax5. Such divergence between states reflects conflicting priorities: some seek to preserve their tax competitiveness, while others want a more equitable distribution of tax revenues.
Despite renewed efforts by the European Commission in 2021, as part of its “Communication on Business Taxation for the 21st Century6,” no unified plan has been agreed upon to date.
UNCERTAIN “The technical difficulties involved in defining and locating digital revenues are the main obstacle to fair European digital taxation.”
Technical challenges exist, but they are not the only ones hindering the adoption of harmonised digital taxation. The dematerialised nature of digital services complicates the identification of the tax base and location of profits. In this regard, Martin Collet states that it is necessary to: “Distinguish between different types of taxation (on profits, turnover, etc.). The main problem lies in the difficulty of taxing the profits of companies whose main activity is located in low-tax jurisdictions, such as Ireland.” This structure makes it possible to artificially minimise the tax burden, to the detriment of countries where the income is actually generated.

Added to this is the fact that “large digital companies have incorporated tax considerations into their organisation from the outset. They locate their intangible assets (patents, algorithms) in low-tax jurisdictions, which significantly reduces their tax burden because subsidiaries established in these territories absorb most of the revenue.” This optimisation phenomenon goes beyond mere technical difficulties: it reveals a strategy that is deeply embedded in their business model.
The reform cannot therefore be limited to technical adjustments; it requires a more ambitious overhaul. “The international tax principles in force date back to the 1920s. They require a physical presence to justify taxation by a state. These principles are now outdated in the context of the digital economy.”
#2 Taxing digital giants: a risk to Europe’s economic attractiveness?
UNCERTAIN: “Heavily taxing digital giants would jeopardise Europe’s economic attractiveness vis-à-vis the United States and Asia.”
The idea that heavier taxation could discourage digital investment is regularly raised. Martin Collet notes that: “Some countries believe that increasing sectoral taxes is not appropriate, as it hinders certain economic activities.” However, other factors such as regulatory stability and access to the European market also play an important role in companies’ decisions on where to locate. Furthermore, a country’s competitiveness does not depend solely on its tax rates, but on a multitude of economic and political factors.
The outcome of a higher tax on attractiveness remains difficult to predict. This phenomenon is all the more complex because, as the lecturer and researcher points out, “some companies prefer to locate their activities in countries with more flexible taxation, such as Ireland, which allows them to substantially reduce their tax burden.” It is therefore necessary to take many parameters into account when assessing the consequences of European tax reform.
FALSE: “Digital giants pay taxes in Europe that are proportional to their profits on the continent.”
Digital companies still benefit from an effective tax rate of less than 15%, according to the European Tax Observatory8, mainly through optimisation mechanisms. By locating their profits in low-tax countries such as Ireland, they avoid taxation proportional to their actual activity, widening tax disparities within the EU.
Regarding the French tax, Martin Collet explains: “In terms of budgetary revenue, its impact is not insignificant: in France, the tax brings in between €300m and €500m per year. However, a large part of this cost is passed on and therefore borne by French users, not by the companies themselves.”
There is no harmonised GAFA tax at European level
Nevertheless, he also points out that “the political impact of these taxes is considerable. They have helped to accelerate international discussions and have led to progress such as the adoption in Europe of a directive imposing a minimum tax rate of 15% on profits made in tax havens. They have exerted significant political pressure on the United States and helped to advance the international tax reform project.”
#3 Do the tax reforms currently underway enable us to overcome the challenges posed by digital technology?
FALSE: “The European GAFA tax is already in place and is working effectively to tax large digital companies.”
There is no harmonised GAFA tax at European level. Although some countries, such as France, Italy and Spain, have introduced national taxes on digital services9, these initiatives have not led to harmonisation of the European market. While useful for local application, these taxes create fragmentation in tax regimes and do not allow digital giants to be taxed effectively at the European level.
Furthermore, “these companies have structured their activities to take advantage of tax differences between countries,” warns Martin Collet. “This makes their taxation much more complex and reduces the effectiveness of any reform.” The lack of tax coordination within the EU therefore remains a major obstacle. In 2021, the European Commission suspended its digital tax proposal pending international negotiations on a global minimum tax10.
FALSE: “Recent international tax reforms, notably the global minimum tax, will automatically solve the European digital taxation problem.”
The global minimum tax project, negotiated by the OECD and the G20 (“Pillar 2”), aims to set a minimum tax rate of 15% for multinationals11. However, this reform does not specifically target digital companies and provides for several exceptions, which limits its effectiveness. Even if this initiative reduces the attractiveness of tax havens, it does not entirely prohibit the tax optimisation strategies used by some digital companies.
It is in this sense that Martin Collet warns against excessive optimism. “Although this reform may have positive effects, it will not entirely resolve tax inequalities within the EU. The maintenance of attractive tax regimes in certain countries, such as Ireland and the Netherlands, continues to undermine the effectiveness of the reform.”