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π Geopolitics
Do demographics still weigh in on geopolitics?

The weaponisation of demography in geopolitical relations

with Richard Robert, Journalist and Author
On November 24th, 2021 |
3min reading time
Key takeaways
  • For a long time, power was determined by population number; along with GDP per capita, it remains a major determinant.
  • But geopolitics is dynamic: more than absolute figures, there are trends that should be followed.
  • Moreover, power logic is now capital- and technology-intensive, rather than labour-intensive, so the capacity for innovation could weigh in over demographic factors.
  • The theme of “climate migrants” has replaced the “demographic boom” of the 1960s, but so far disruptions have been local rather than geopolitical.
  • On the other hand, the “weaponisation” of migratory movements must be considered carefully because it renews the repertoire of hybrid conflicts.

Inter­na­tion­al rela­tions play out between poli­cy­makers. But behind this chess game marked by per­son­al­it­ies, tac­tics, and strategies of a small num­ber of play­ers, power­ful human dynam­ics are at work. Study of geo­pol­it­ics describes these dynam­ics, linked to human and phys­ic­al geo­graphy. Among them, demo­graphy has long been iden­ti­fied as a key factor in the rise or fall of a coun­try on the inter­na­tion­al scene.

Population counts!

For a long time, power was a dir­ect func­tion of pop­u­la­tion. Napo­leon­ic France was the most pop­u­lous coun­try in Europe. Ger­many in the 19th cen­tury also exper­i­enced pop­u­la­tion growth, which helped explain its expan­sion­ism between 1848 and 1945. Dur­ing the first two dec­ades of the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Uni­on were demo­graph­ic cham­pi­ons: in addi­tion to their pop­u­la­tion size, they had a strong capa­city to devel­op their ‘human capital’.

China’s rap­id rise to glob­al super­power status is explained by spec­tac­u­lar growth in GDP per cap­ita, but also by sus­tained pop­u­la­tion growth, from 590 mil­lion in 1953 (includ­ing Taiwan) to 1.4 bil­lion today. India and China exper­i­enced a demo­graph­ic trans­ition later than the European coun­tries, which helps to explain the move­ment of world power towards Asia –emer­ging powers are Asi­an, and since Obama Amer­ic­an power has been turn­ing towards Asia (from 2011 onwards we speak of a ‘pivot’).

Absolute figures or trends?

Over the course of the 20th cen­tury, the rela­tion­ship between mass and power became more com­plex, and instead more dis­crete demo­graph­ic trends can explain or reflect power dynam­ics. Nev­er­the­less, the ques­tion remains cent­ral. In 1976, when the West was entangled in the eco­nom­ic crisis and the USSR seemed to be gain­ing ground, it was a demo­graph­er, Emmanuel Todd, who pre­dicted the ‘final fall’ of the Soviet empire, based on indic­at­ors such as the sui­cide rate and the rise in infant mortality.

In the same way, by observing trends and dynam­ics, demo­graphy can be a good way to pre­dict shifts in power. China has already joined Europe in its declin­ing pop­u­la­tion and geo­pol­it­ic­al influ­ence and Amer­ica could soon follow.

Power without numbers?

In our inter­view with Nich­olas Eber­stadt he notes that coun­tries with declin­ing pop­u­la­tions may try to coun­ter­bal­ance their decline by reas­sert­ing their inter­na­tion­al role all the more vig­or­ously. Today, we see this in Rus­sia and also, in a dif­fer­ent way, North Korea.

As Pierre Buhler writes in La Puis­sance au XXIe siècle, “the rela­tion­ship between demo­graphy and power, while it may seem obvi­ous, does not neces­sar­ily allow us to identi­fy a clear caus­al rela­tion­ship.” This is all the more true when, like in advanced eco­nom­ies, the logic of power is both cap­it­al- and tech­no­logy-intens­ive. The capa­city for innov­a­tion, Buhler explains, is now cent­ral and can out­weigh the demo­graph­ic factor: as will be the case in the future as mil­it­ary means will be less labour-intens­ive: a robot­ic and tech­no­logy-intens­ive war can do without men.

The weaponisation of demography

In the 1960s, some experts pro­moted the idea that pop­u­la­tion growth was in itself a factor in geo­pol­it­ic­al upheav­al. Paul Ehr­lich, for example, pub­lished The Pop­u­la­tion Bomb in 1968, a best-selling book in which he warned of the like­li­hood of deadly fam­ines that would pro­voke wars.

Today, this fear can be found in con­cerns over ‘cli­mate migrants’, even though, as Her­vé Le Bras reminds us in his inter­view, the phe­nom­ena observed up to now are mainly played out on a loc­al scale. It is true that this could change in the event of more wide­spread upheav­al due to cli­mate change. But we have not yet reached this stage, even if we know the role the price of cer­tain com­mod­it­ies (includ­ing wheat, whose prices are very sens­it­ive to the glob­al weath­er) played in trig­ger­ing the “Arab spring” in 2011.

More sig­ni­fic­ant is the destabil­ising poten­tial of waves of refugees seek­ing to flee wars in Africa and the Middle East to find asylum in oth­er Afric­an coun­tries and Europe. The sens­it­iv­ity to the issue of migra­tion in many European coun­tries can make these “waves” – how­ever small – a polit­ic­al factor that can lead to region­al destabilisation.

Dur­ing the Syr­i­an crisis in the 2010s, Tur­key played on these waves as part of the com­plex rela­tions that they main­tain with the European Uni­on, which altern­ates between lat­ent con­flict and nego­ti­ation; some­thing we see today with Belarus using the same tac­tics. This weapon­isa­tion of migra­tion is a geo­pol­it­ic­al nov­elty, which is part of the con­stantly evolving rep­er­toire of asym­met­ric strategies and hybrid war­fare.

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