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How digital platforms use underpaid microworkers

Antonio Casilli
Antonio Casilli
Sociologist, Professor at Télécom Paris (IP Paris), and Associate Researcher at LACI-IIAC of EHESS

Tech­no­logy is not going to erad­ic­ate work for humans. Quite the oppos­ite, in fact – there is a strong risk that it will “pro­let­ari­an­ise” it, by mak­ing that work invis­ible and lim­it­ing it to small, repet­it­ive, under­qual­i­fied tasks. This is the argu­ment put for­ward by digit­al soci­ology research­er Ant­o­nio Casilli.

Who are France’s microworkers?

They are work­ers who log on from home to plat­forms like Amazon’s Mech­an­ic­al Turk to com­plete so-called “human intel­li­gence” tasks paid on a per job basis. They nev­er know who they are work­ing for, or to what end, because most of the time com­pan­ies pub­lish their jobs anonym­ously. The tasks, which are often used to sup­ple­ment arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence, are repet­it­ive and require few qual­i­fic­a­tions – circle toma­toes in a photo to assist nutri­tion applic­a­tions, tran­scribe receipts, cal­ib­rate vir­tu­al assist­ants by assess­ing the qual­ity of speech syn­thes­is, copy and paste, say words aloud, indic­ate the col­our of a char­ac­ter, and so on – all for a few cents.

Accord­ing to the “Micro­work in France” study that I con­duc­ted with my research group DiPLab (short for Digit­al Plat­form Labour), there were approx­im­ately 260,000 people micro­work­ing at least occa­sion­ally in France in 20191. The major­ity are women (56%) who are 25–44 years old (63%), and nearly half of people sur­veyed said they resort to this kind of work out of fin­an­cial need. Hence, micro­work is often a source of extra income, even though the aver­age monthly pay was only €21. Even more sur­pris­ingly, these “click­work­ers” have more qual­i­fic­a­tions than the aver­age French per­son – 43.5% have done min­im­um two years of post-sec­ond­ary stud­ies. Yet, des­pite their sig­ni­fic­ant num­bers, these work­ers remain com­pletely invisible.

Why are they more invis­ible than oth­er work­ers in the digit­al space, like food deliv­ery or ride­share drivers?

Firstly, it’s because of the very nature of their job. In real­ity, micro­work is just remote work­ing pushed to the extreme. It’s a remote activ­ity, but for bosses and with col­leagues who are often com­pletely anonym­ous. On the oth­er hand, Uber and Deliv­eroo drivers have been seek­ing out col­lect­ive solu­tions and form­ing uni­ons to make their voices heard. This is even more the case since they are vastly more vis­ible than before when they roam the deser­ted streets of cit­ies under Cov­id lock­down. But, unlike these work­ers, micro­work­ers have zero pres­ence in the pub­lic sphere. And the super-strict con­fid­en­ti­al­ity agree­ments that they may have to sign make it harder for them to seek recog­ni­tion for their work.

More and more coun­tries, such as Spain, the UK and France, are requir­ing plat­forms (par­tic­u­larly Uber) to recog­nise the employ­ment status of their work­ers. Yet the many hands that train our AI in the form of micro­work are still ignored. I think efforts to reg­u­late the industry come in large part from work­ers’ vis­ib­il­ity, and from the phys­ic­al prox­im­ity between deliver­ers and cli­ents. It’s quite a para­dox, as there are sig­ni­fic­antly more micro­work­ers, both in France and inter­na­tion­ally, at least accord­ing to our estim­ates and those of our col­leagues at Oxford Inter­net Insti­tute2

What we do know is that phys­ic­al effort is not the only way that deliver­ers pro­duce value. They, too, per­form invis­ible tasks, pro­du­cing data for the plat­form and thereby feed­ing the algorithms and AI that serve in part to improve algorithmic solu­tions. This data must then be pro­cessed and, con­trary to what you might think, it can­not be pro­cessed without the sup­port of a large human work­force – which does not need to be loc­ated in the coun­try of pro­duc­tion. While France has 260,000 micro­work­ers, these plat­forms have more than 100 mil­lion people signed up inter­na­tion­ally. The vast major­ity of these “crowd­work­ers” are found in devel­op­ing coun­tries, in Indi­an, South­east Asi­an, Afric­an and Lat­in Amer­ic­an “click farms”. 

This huge level of out­sourcing is rede­fin­ing the geo­graphy of the future, but it also influ­ences the recog­ni­tion of this work. There are purely polit­ic­al stakes with regards to the issue of the invis­ib­il­ity – not only are these work­ers not vis­ible in the pub­lic sphere, but the over­whelm­ing major­ity also can­not vote in their (developed) coun­try of res­id­ence, unlike deliv­ery and ride­share drivers. Con­sequently, their recog­ni­tion is not a polit­ic­al priority.

Are you in favour of a “digit­al social income”?

The auto­ma­tion and “plat­form­isa­tion” of the eco­nomy is caus­ing human work to explode, not die out! We are all micro­work­ers in our own way – when you com­plete a CAPTCHA or add a hasht­ag on Ins­tagram, you’re help­ing to train a com­puter vis­ion sys­tem or provid­ing a cat­egory for your post, instead of the plat­form doing it.

This is why there has been dis­cus­sion in France since 2012 about the fisc­al recog­ni­tion of this “free work” done by app users3. Of course, it’s not the users who should pay these taxes, but the com­pan­ies that own the plat­forms. Some 93% of French people use Google, and the com­pany should pay taxes in pro­por­tion to the amount of data pro­duced by French cit­izens. This fisc­al rev­en­ue could then be used to fund redis­tri­bu­tion policies, includ­ing a “digit­al social income”.

The aim of this income would be to divide up the value gen­er­ated by click­work­ers, micro­work­ers and ordin­ary users, in an uncon­di­tion­al way with all social ser­vices con­sidered equal. The aim is not to com­pensate people indi­vidu­ally accord­ing to the amount of time spent on plat­forms. The con­sequences of that would be dis­astrous, with super­power plat­forms pay­ing pea­nuts for our clicks while we slave away over micro­jobs! The aim is simply to redis­trib­ute the value pro­duced, which until now has been hoarded by plat­forms, to pre­vent the “pro­let­ar­isa­tion” of human work.

Interview by Juliette Parmentier
1Rap­port final du pro­jet DiPLab, par Casilli, A. A., Tubaro, P., Le Ludec, C., Cov­ille, M., Besen­val, M., Mouhtare, T., Wahal, E., « Le Micro-trav­ail en France. Der­rière l’automatisation de nou­velles pré­car­ités au trav­ail ? », 2019, http://​diplab​.eu
2Otto Kässi, Vili Lehdon­vir­ta, Fabi­an Stephany, « How Many Online Work­ers are there in the World? A Data-Driv­en Assess­ment », ArX­iV, 2021, <arXiv:2103.12648>
3Nic­olas Colin et Pierre Col­lin, Rap­port relatif à la fisc­al­ité du sec­teur numérique, Par­is, La Doc­u­ment­a­tion française, 2013

Contributors

Antonio Casilli

Antonio Casilli

Sociologist, Professor at Télécom Paris (IP Paris), and Associate Researcher at LACI-IIAC of EHESS

Antonio A. Casilli directs the DiPLab (Digital Platform Labor) research group and was among the founders of the ENDL (European Network on Digital Labor). His publications include "Waiting for the robots. Enquête sur le travail du clic" (Seuil, 2019 laureate of the Fondation Colbert-Institut de France) and "Les liaisons numériques. Vers une nouvelle sociabilité?" (Seuil, 2010). He was the editorial advisor of the documentary series based on his research "Invisibles - Les travailleurs du clic" (France Télévisions, 2020).

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