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Nobel Prizes: what applications for the work of the latest winners?

Nobel Prize in Economics : understanding gender inequalities in employment

with Sara Signorelli , Assistant professor at CREST at Ecole Polytechnique (IP Paris) and Roland Rathelot, Professor of Economics at ENSAE (IP Paris)
On September 9th, 2024 |
5 min reading time
Sara Signorelli
Sara Signorelli
Assistant professor at CREST at Ecole Polytechnique (IP Paris)
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Roland Rathelot
Professor of Economics at ENSAE (IP Paris)
Key takeaways
  • The American economist Claudia Goldin was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics in 2023 for her work on the place of women in the labour market with her analyses of wage inequality.
  • She has shown that women’s participation in the economy has followed a U-shaped trajectory, influenced by major societal changes such as the contraceptive pill.
  • Her working method is particularly innovative, drawing on historical data, analysing the long term and formulating multiple hypotheses.
  • Claudia Goldin describes a “silent revolution” in the early 1970s, launched in particular by contraception, which enabled American women to plan and build their professional careers.
  • Despite this progress, the economist notes that pay inequalities persist, notably because of “greedy jobs” and flexible working.

“Clau­dia Gol­din has put gen­der back at the centre of eco­no­mics,” explains Roland Rathe­lot, Pro­fes­sor of Eco­no­mics at ENSAE (IP Paris). Before her, ana­lyses of labour eco­no­mics gene­ral­ly exclu­ded women, who were more affec­ted by career breaks and part-time work. In 1990, the Ame­ri­can eco­no­mist became the first woman to join the eco­no­mics depart­ment at Har­vard Uni­ver­si­ty, where she still teaches today. Clau­dia Gol­din was one of the first resear­chers to take a spe­ci­fic inter­est in the role of women in the labour mar­ket and the par­ti­cu­la­ri­ties of female employ­ment. In Octo­ber 2023, her work ear­ned her the Nobel Prize in Eco­no­mics. “Clau­dia Gol­din was the first to assert that women’s employ­ment was the grea­test uphea­val in the struc­ture of the labour mar­ket in the 20th Cen­tu­ry,” explains Sara Signo­rel­li, Assis­tant Pro­fes­sor of Eco­no­mics at Ecole Poly­tech­nique (IP Paris).

Contra­ry to what one might ima­gine, the tra­jec­to­ry of female employ­ment is not linear. In pre­do­mi­nant­ly agri­cul­tu­ral socie­ties, women wor­ked as hard as men, “for pay or pro­fit,” said Clau­dia Gol­din in her Nobel Prize accep­tance speech. With the indus­trial revo­lu­tion, employ­ment oppor­tu­ni­ties out­side the home mul­ti­plied, and the roles of men and women were dif­fe­ren­tia­ted. Men wor­ked out­side the home, while women took charge of the hou­se­hold. “Women have come to play an increa­sing role in the mar­ket eco­no­my and in paid work, as their incomes have risen in rela­tion to the cost of hou­se­hold goods. Women’s role in the mar­ket has ten­ded to form a ‘U’ shape over the course of his­to­ry,” explains Clau­dia Goldin.

From passive players in the labour market to the ‘silent revolution’

The resear­cher unco­ve­red a new way of loo­king at the evo­lu­tion of women’s par­ti­ci­pa­tion in the Ame­ri­can eco­no­my. In 1890, 19% of women wor­ked, and they gene­ral­ly stop­ped when they got mar­ried. From the 1940s onwards, the social stig­ma atta­ched to female employ­ment began to dimi­nish. Women’s employ­ment gra­dual­ly increa­sed, with the crea­tion of part-time work and the abo­li­tion of laws pro­hi­bi­ting mar­ried women from wor­king. Bet­ween 1950 and 1970, more and more women – inclu­ding mar­ried women – were wor­king. But they remai­ned pas­sive players in the labour market.

It was not until the late 1960s and ear­ly 1970s, and what Clau­dia Gol­din calls the ‘silent revo­lu­tion’, that women real­ly became active. “Until recent­ly, the vast majo­ri­ty of women, inclu­ding gra­duates, occu­pied the val­leys, not the peaks. They had jobs, not careers […] Before this change, women who rea­ched the top did so solo. They became sym­bols, proof that women can achieve great things,” sum­med up the eco­no­mist before the Nobel Prize committee.

From the 1970s and 1980s onwards, women gai­ned a pers­pec­tive, a ‘hori­zon’ in their careers. This invol­ved inves­ting in edu­ca­tion. The eco­no­mist notes a signi­fi­cant increase in the num­ber of women born in the 1950s going on to uni­ver­si­ty. “They were taking more maths and science courses to pre­pare for uni­ver­si­ty, they had more and more expec­ta­tions about their future jobs, and they reac­ted by increa­sing the num­ber of years they stu­died and chan­ging their major to more career-orien­ted courses,” she des­cribes. Wor­king is also beco­ming a ques­tion of iden­ti­ty and social recog­ni­tion, and not just a means of gene­ra­ting extra income for the household.

The upheaval of the contraceptive pill

As well as iden­ti­fying these major changes, Clau­dia Gol­din’s other major contri­bu­tion is to have high­ligh­ted the causes of this ‘silent revo­lu­tion’. In the eco­no­mist’s view, one of the main advances that led to these uphea­vals was the spread of the contra­cep­tive pill in the Uni­ted States from the 1960s onwards. “When the pill became avai­lable, women took it up and regai­ned control of their fer­ti­li­ty. This enabled them to become bet­ter edu­ca­ted, to enter the labour mar­ket, to control their careers and the timing of fami­ly for­ma­tion,” says Roland Rathe­lot. Women are mar­rying later, get­ting a bet­ter edu­ca­tion, and taking up pro­fes­sions pre­vious­ly consi­de­red male-domi­na­ted. “The increase in the female work­force was an evo­lu­tio­na­ry change, but the change in women’s expec­ta­tions, their hori­zons, their sense of iden­ti­ty, their new abi­li­ty to bet­ter control their des­ti­ny, were revo­lu­tio­na­ry changes,” argues Clau­dia Goldin.

The Ame­ri­can eco­no­mist is one of the gene­ra­tion of resear­chers invol­ved in the ‘cre­di­bi­li­ty revo­lu­tion’. Her work on the pill is exact­ly in line with these methods. “The contra­cep­tive method spread gra­dual­ly in the Uni­ted States, as the states chan­ged their legis­la­tion. Gol­din uses the fact that this spread occur­red at dif­ferent rates in dif­ferent States to deduce the cau­sal impact of contra­cep­tion. It’s a ques­tion of com­bi­ning cau­sal and des­crip­tive empi­ri­cal approaches, with a concern to have a for­ma­li­sed model,” explains Roland Rathelot.

The glass ceiling of pay inequality

Bet­ween 1950 and 1980, employ­ment among Ame­ri­can women rose shar­ply. From 1980 onwards, the gap bet­ween men’s and women’s ear­nings began to nar­row. Clau­dia Gol­din obser­ved ‘spec­ta­cu­lar gains’ for women in the 1980s and 1990s. Until then, women’s posi­tion in the labour mar­ket had only impro­ved, in terms of edu­ca­tion, employ­ment and redu­ced pay inequa­li­ty. Howe­ver, the eco­no­mist notes that from around the last decade onwards, impro­ve­ments have slo­wed or even stop­ped. “In recent his­to­ry, she notes a conver­gence in edu­ca­tion and income, and then at a cer­tain point, sala­ries stop conver­ging. You could call this the glass cei­ling,” explains Sara Signo­rel­li. In Europe, women still earn 13% less than men. Yet Clau­dia Gol­din points out that in all OECD coun­tries, women are bet­ter edu­ca­ted than men.

“In this part of her research, she is inter­es­ted in skilled occu­pa­tions, those of edu­ca­ted women. Why do they still not earn as much as men, des­pite having a higher level of edu­ca­tion than men?” sum­ma­rises Sara Signo­rel­li. Clau­dia Gol­din puts for­ward seve­ral expla­na­tions. In recent decades, the incomes of women with higher edu­ca­tion have risen less. In addi­tion, their sala­ries decline with age. Final­ly, gen­der dif­fe­rences vary enor­mous­ly depen­ding on the sec­tor of employment.

“Greedy” jobs and flexible jobs

This is one of the main keys to unders­tan­ding these inequa­li­ties, accor­ding to Clau­dia Gol­din. She dis­tin­guishes bet­ween two types of job. ‘Gree­dy’ jobs, which are high­ly paid, require a great deal of time and conti­nuous com­mit­ment beyond nor­mal wor­king hours. “When chil­dren arrive, more women take care of them, so they choose more flexible, less well-paid jobs that require less avai­la­bi­li­ty,” explains Sara Signo­rel­li. For Clau­dia Gol­din, pay inequa­li­ties could be redu­ced by reor­ga­ni­sing wor­king condi­tions. “The sim­plest way is to create effi­cient sub­sti­tutes bet­ween wor­kers, which has been done in various pro­fes­sions that use infor­ma­tion tech­no­lo­gies to trans­mit infor­ma­tion and trans­fer cus­to­mers,” she argued in her 2023 speech.

By focu­sing on women’s place in the labour mar­ket and inequa­li­ties, Clau­dia Gol­din has hel­ped to deve­lop the field of gen­der within labour eco­no­mics. A sub­stan­tial body of lite­ra­ture has emer­ged under her influence. For resear­cher Roland Rathe­lot, one of her major lega­cies is also her scien­ti­fic method. “Clau­dia Gol­din is a great theo­rist. She goes back and forth bet­ween the for­mu­la­tion of model­ling hypo­theses, for­ma­li­sed theo­re­ti­cal models of the beha­viour of players in the labour mar­ket and empi­ri­cal results that sup­port her wor­king hypo­theses,” com­ments the pro­fes­sor. Clau­dia Gol­din observes the long-term, using his­to­ri­cal data and quo­ta­tions. She gathers clues like a detec­tive to unders­tand the macro-eco­no­mic trends that emerge. In this way, unders­tan­ding where we come from pro­vides food for thought about women’s employ­ment today.

Sirine Azouaoui

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