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Nobel Prizes: what applications for the work of the latest winners?

Nobel Prize in Economics: understanding gender inequalities in employment

with Sara Signorelli , Assistant professor at CREST at Ecole Polytechnique (IP Paris) and Roland Rathelot, Professor of Economics at ENSAE (IP Paris)
On September 9th, 2024 |
5 min reading time
Sara Signorelli
Sara Signorelli
Assistant professor at CREST at Ecole Polytechnique (IP Paris)
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Roland Rathelot
Professor of Economics at ENSAE (IP Paris)
Key takeaways
  • The American economist Claudia Goldin was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics in 2023 for her work on the place of women in the labour market with her analyses of wage inequality.
  • She has shown that women’s participation in the economy has followed a U-shaped trajectory, influenced by major societal changes such as the contraceptive pill.
  • Her working method is particularly innovative, drawing on historical data, analysing the long term and formulating multiple hypotheses.
  • Claudia Goldin describes a “silent revolution” in the early 1970s, launched in particular by contraception, which enabled American women to plan and build their professional careers.
  • Despite this progress, the economist notes that pay inequalities persist, notably because of “greedy jobs” and flexible working.

“Claudia Gold­in has put gender back at the centre of eco­nom­ics,” explains Roland Rathel­ot, Pro­fess­or of Eco­nom­ics at ENSAE (IP Par­is). Before her, ana­lyses of labour eco­nom­ics gen­er­ally excluded women, who were more affected by career breaks and part-time work. In 1990, the Amer­ic­an eco­nom­ist became the first woman to join the eco­nom­ics depart­ment at Har­vard Uni­ver­sity, where she still teaches today. Claudia Gold­in was one of the first research­ers to take a spe­cif­ic interest in the role of women in the labour mar­ket and the par­tic­u­lar­it­ies of female employ­ment. In Octo­ber 2023, her work earned her the Nobel Prize in Eco­nom­ics. “Claudia Gold­in was the first to assert that women’s employ­ment was the greatest upheav­al in the struc­ture of the labour mar­ket in the 20th Cen­tury,” explains Sara Signorelli, Assist­ant Pro­fess­or of Eco­nom­ics at Ecole Poly­tech­nique (IP Paris).

Con­trary to what one might ima­gine, the tra­ject­ory of female employ­ment is not lin­ear. In pre­dom­in­antly agri­cul­tur­al soci­et­ies, women worked as hard as men, “for pay or profit,” said Claudia Gold­in in her Nobel Prize accept­ance speech. With the indus­tri­al revolu­tion, employ­ment oppor­tun­it­ies out­side the home mul­ti­plied, and the roles of men and women were dif­fer­en­ti­ated. Men worked out­side the home, while women took charge of the house­hold. “Women have come to play an increas­ing role in the mar­ket eco­nomy and in paid work, as their incomes have ris­en in rela­tion to the cost of house­hold goods. Women’s role in the mar­ket has ten­ded to form a ‘U’ shape over the course of his­tory,” explains Claudia Goldin.

From passive players in the labour market to the ‘silent revolution’

The research­er uncovered a new way of look­ing at the evol­u­tion of women’s par­ti­cip­a­tion in the Amer­ic­an eco­nomy. In 1890, 19% of women worked, and they gen­er­ally stopped when they got mar­ried. From the 1940s onwards, the social stigma attached to female employ­ment began to dimin­ish. Women’s employ­ment gradu­ally increased, with the cre­ation of part-time work and the abol­i­tion of laws pro­hib­it­ing mar­ried women from work­ing. Between 1950 and 1970, more and more women – includ­ing mar­ried women – were work­ing. But they remained pass­ive play­ers in the labour market.

It was not until the late 1960s and early 1970s, and what Claudia Gold­in calls the ‘silent revolu­tion’, that women really became act­ive. “Until recently, the vast major­ity of women, includ­ing gradu­ates, occu­pied the val­leys, not the peaks. They had jobs, not careers […] Before this change, women who reached the top did so solo. They became sym­bols, proof that women can achieve great things,” summed up the eco­nom­ist before the Nobel Prize committee.

From the 1970s and 1980s onwards, women gained a per­spect­ive, a ‘hori­zon’ in their careers. This involved invest­ing in edu­ca­tion. The eco­nom­ist notes a sig­ni­fic­ant increase in the num­ber of women born in the 1950s going on to uni­ver­sity. “They were tak­ing more maths and sci­ence courses to pre­pare for uni­ver­sity, they had more and more expect­a­tions about their future jobs, and they reacted by increas­ing the num­ber of years they stud­ied and chan­ging their major to more career-ori­ented courses,” she describes. Work­ing is also becom­ing a ques­tion of iden­tity and social recog­ni­tion, and not just a means of gen­er­at­ing extra income for the household.

The upheaval of the contraceptive pill

As well as identi­fy­ing these major changes, Claudia Gold­in’s oth­er major con­tri­bu­tion is to have high­lighted the causes of this ‘silent revolu­tion’. In the eco­nom­ist’s view, one of the main advances that led to these upheavals was the spread of the con­tra­cept­ive pill in the United States from the 1960s onwards. “When the pill became avail­able, women took it up and regained con­trol of their fer­til­ity. This enabled them to become bet­ter edu­cated, to enter the labour mar­ket, to con­trol their careers and the tim­ing of fam­ily form­a­tion,” says Roland Rathel­ot. Women are mar­ry­ing later, get­ting a bet­ter edu­ca­tion, and tak­ing up pro­fes­sions pre­vi­ously con­sidered male-dom­in­ated. “The increase in the female work­force was an evol­u­tion­ary change, but the change in women’s expect­a­tions, their hori­zons, their sense of iden­tity, their new abil­ity to bet­ter con­trol their des­tiny, were revolu­tion­ary changes,” argues Claudia Goldin.

The Amer­ic­an eco­nom­ist is one of the gen­er­a­tion of research­ers involved in the ‘cred­ib­il­ity revolu­tion’. Her work on the pill is exactly in line with these meth­ods. “The con­tra­cept­ive meth­od spread gradu­ally in the United States, as the states changed their legis­la­tion. Gold­in uses the fact that this spread occurred at dif­fer­ent rates in dif­fer­ent States to deduce the caus­al impact of con­tra­cep­tion. It’s a ques­tion of com­bin­ing caus­al and descript­ive empir­ic­al approaches, with a con­cern to have a form­al­ised mod­el,” explains Roland Rathelot.

The glass ceiling of pay inequality

Between 1950 and 1980, employ­ment among Amer­ic­an women rose sharply. From 1980 onwards, the gap between men’s and women’s earn­ings began to nar­row. Claudia Gold­in observed ‘spec­tac­u­lar gains’ for women in the 1980s and 1990s. Until then, women’s pos­i­tion in the labour mar­ket had only improved, in terms of edu­ca­tion, employ­ment and reduced pay inequal­ity. How­ever, the eco­nom­ist notes that from around the last dec­ade onwards, improve­ments have slowed or even stopped. “In recent his­tory, she notes a con­ver­gence in edu­ca­tion and income, and then at a cer­tain point, salar­ies stop con­ver­ging. You could call this the glass ceil­ing,” explains Sara Signorelli. In Europe, women still earn 13% less than men. Yet Claudia Gold­in points out that in all OECD coun­tries, women are bet­ter edu­cated than men.

“In this part of her research, she is inter­ested in skilled occu­pa­tions, those of edu­cated women. Why do they still not earn as much as men, des­pite hav­ing a high­er level of edu­ca­tion than men?” sum­mar­ises Sara Signorelli. Claudia Gold­in puts for­ward sev­er­al explan­a­tions. In recent dec­ades, the incomes of women with high­er edu­ca­tion have ris­en less. In addi­tion, their salar­ies decline with age. Finally, gender dif­fer­ences vary enorm­ously depend­ing on the sec­tor of employment.

“Greedy” jobs and flexible jobs

This is one of the main keys to under­stand­ing these inequal­it­ies, accord­ing to Claudia Gold­in. She dis­tin­guishes between two types of job. ‘Greedy’ jobs, which are highly paid, require a great deal of time and con­tinu­ous com­mit­ment bey­ond nor­mal work­ing hours. “When chil­dren arrive, more women take care of them, so they choose more flex­ible, less well-paid jobs that require less avail­ab­il­ity,” explains Sara Signorelli. For Claudia Gold­in, pay inequal­it­ies could be reduced by reor­gan­ising work­ing con­di­tions. “The simplest way is to cre­ate effi­cient sub­sti­tutes between work­ers, which has been done in vari­ous pro­fes­sions that use inform­a­tion tech­no­lo­gies to trans­mit inform­a­tion and trans­fer cus­tom­ers,” she argued in her 2023 speech.

By focus­ing on women’s place in the labour mar­ket and inequal­it­ies, Claudia Gold­in has helped to devel­op the field of gender with­in labour eco­nom­ics. A sub­stan­tial body of lit­er­at­ure has emerged under her influ­ence. For research­er Roland Rathel­ot, one of her major legacies is also her sci­entif­ic meth­od. “Claudia Gold­in is a great the­or­ist. She goes back and forth between the for­mu­la­tion of mod­el­ling hypo­theses, form­al­ised the­or­et­ic­al mod­els of the beha­viour of play­ers in the labour mar­ket and empir­ic­al res­ults that sup­port her work­ing hypo­theses,” com­ments the pro­fess­or. Claudia Gold­in observes the long-term, using his­tor­ic­al data and quo­ta­tions. She gath­ers clues like a detect­ive to under­stand the macro-eco­nom­ic trends that emerge. In this way, under­stand­ing where we come from provides food for thought about women’s employ­ment today.

Sirine Azouaoui

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