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π Society

Mistrust of science or distrust in democracy ?

Luc Rouban
Luc Rouban
CNRS Research director at Cevipof
Key takeaways
  • 82% of French people trust science, according to the Political Trust Barometer published in January 2022.
  • However, this figure drops to 68% when it comes to scientific experts advising the government, and to 42% for the government alone.
  • According to the conclusions of these results published by SciencesPo, distrust of science is mainly due to citizens’ distrust of political institutions.
  • This mistrust is particularly prevalent among voters of populist parties. 66% of the voters of the Rassemblement National surveyed, for example, believe that “common sense is often more useful than scientific knowledge”.

Science has retained its credibility…

The Centre de recherches poli­tiques de Sciences Po (CEVIPOF) has been run­ning the Poli­ti­cal Trust Baro­me­ter, since 2009. This aca­de­mic sur­vey exa­mines trust as a socio-poli­ti­cal issue. It is used to assess confi­dence of the public in poli­ti­cal and social ins­ti­tu­tions – such as science – par­ti­cu­lar­ly in the context of the Covid-19 out­break. The rela­tion­ship bet­ween science and poli­tics, in the broad sense, helps us to ques­tion public opi­nion through the lens of social struc­tures, cultu­ral repre­sen­ta­tions or poli­ti­cal anthropology.

Science is a social ins­ti­tu­tion, just like fami­ly, edu­ca­tion, the law or the mili­ta­ry. But, in France, it is also lin­ked to repu­bli­ca­nism. The idea of the Repu­blic res­ts on a posi­ti­vist phi­lo­so­phy, mea­ning a world of public action and poli­ti­cal debate stee­ped in science. The aim is to lead a rea­so­ned debate, on the basis of expe­ri­men­ta­tion or, at the very least, scien­ti­fic rea­so­ning. Due to this approach, the French Repu­blic dif­fers from other demo­cra­tic regimes, such as the US demo­cra­cy, which revolves more around com­mu­ni­ty values. The French Repu­blic is inten­ded to be uni­ver­sal in nature, and to that end it draws on scien­ti­fic ratio­na­li­ty. The­re­fore, the issue of science is fundamental. 

The health cri­sis illus­tra­ted this fact very well. Scien­ti­fic dis­course is borne by dif­ferent actors : scien­tists, experts who pass on scien­ti­fic know­ledge in a regu­la­to­ry and poli­ti­cal context, science com­mu­ni­ca­tors and broad­cas­ters (social net­works, news chan­nels). It also involves dif­ferent sources of infor­ma­tion, inclu­ding sta­tis­ti­cal indi­ca­tors pro­vi­ded by the govern­ment, scien­ti­fic publi­ca­tions, and other scien­ti­fic content.

…except when it is associated with power

The latest waves1 of the Baro­me­ter show that pure science remains a very trust­wor­thy ins­ti­tu­tion, with a glo­bal trust rate of 82%, second only to hos­pi­tals (83%) and before the mili­ta­ry (76%) or the police (72%). Howe­ver, when you get into spe­ci­fics it appears that the more a scien­ti­fic ins­ti­tu­tion gets clo­ser to the govern­ment the more trust declines. For sources of infor­ma­tion on the health situa­tion, trust pla­ced in doc­tors is 91%. It decreases to 68% for scien­ti­fic experts advi­sing the govern­ment and drops to 42% for the govern­ment alone2

Scien­ti­fic acti­vi­ties are tain­ted by the fee­ling of mis­trust towards the govern­ment. Lack of confi­dence in the offi­cial mes­sage also affects experts and offi­cial sta­tis­tics. A demo­cra­tic malaise leads to scep­ti­cism towards any speech rela­ted to the Covid-19 out­break, inclu­ding its evo­lu­tion, pre­ven­tive mea­sures, or vac­ci­na­tion policy. 

In France, demo­cra­tic malaise is roo­ted in the rise of popu­lism, mea­ning the oppo­si­tion bet­ween people and elites, the lat­ter inclu­ding scien­tists. There is mis­trust in autho­ri­ta­tive speech. But popu­lism is not homo­ge­nous, right-wing popu­lism is not the same as left-wing popu­lism. If mis­trust in science increases with popu­lism (only 36% of popu­lists stron­gly sup­por­ted science in 2020), its rea­sons are roo­ted in the poli­ti­cal side.

Left-wing popu­lism is par­ti­cu­lar­ly obser­ved in people close to the poli­ti­cal par­ty France Insou­mise, for example. They claim to be anti-esta­blish­ment, express anti-govern­ment opi­nions, but value science and are in favour of edu­ca­tion and research. Trust issues arise when science is inter­t­wi­ned with pri­vate inter­ests or when it is used to desi­gn dubious or sus­pi­cious tech­no­lo­gies. From their point of view science is tain­ted by pri­vate inter­est and corruption.

Right-wing popu­lism most­ly involves voters from the Ras­sem­ble­ment Natio­nal. This poli­ti­cal par­ty is also asso­cia­ted with a rejec­tion of elites and govern­men­tal ins­ti­tu­tions. But mis­trust in science is based more on affect, com­mon sense or tra­di­tion. Thus, 66% of respon­dents esti­ma­ted that “com­mon sense is often more use­ful than scien­ti­fic know­ledge”. Abs­trac­tion, scien­ti­fic rea­so­ning and ratio­nal debate are thus a source of dis­trust. We observe, for example, that sta­tis­ti­cal rea­so­ning is rejec­ted and repla­ced by the per­cep­tion of imme­diate rea­li­ty or chance. Science is consi­de­red to be an ins­ti­tu­tion fabri­ca­ted by “savants”, which leads to an arti­fi­cial social divide.

The health cri­sis did not change this obser­va­tion. The com­pa­ri­son bet­ween stu­dies of 2018 and 2020 shows that demo­cra­tic malaise has been trans­po­sed to the field of health. The Covid-19 cri­sis mere­ly confirms, or even ampli­fies, the frac­ture bet­ween those who adhere to scien­ti­fic ratio­na­li­ty and those who reject it. And this phe­no­me­non seems to feed conspi­ra­cy theories.

Fur­ther­more, the pre­vious wave of the Baro­me­ter shows that even the decrease in vac­cine hesi­tan­cy is not lin­ked to changes regar­ding trust in ins­ti­tu­tions. The wider accep­tance of the vac­cine – which now covers 65% of par­ti­ci­pants – is only moti­va­ted by the wish to return to a nor­mal life (the first ans­wer for 45% of respon­dents favou­rable to vac­ci­na­tion). The popu­lar cate­go­ries believe that they are “pro­tec­ting them­selves” whe­reas upper classes feel that they are “pro­tec­ting others”.

Howe­ver, the govern­ment is unable to capi­ta­lise on the rela­tive suc­cess of its vac­ci­na­tion stra­te­gy. The mis­trust in poli­ti­cal deci­sions is deep, regard­less of accom­plish­ments. Mis­trust is spin­ning and this casts doubt on all the eva­lua­tion mecha­nisms of govern­ment policies.

And this situa­tion is spe­ci­fic to France. Even though popu­lism also exists in Ger­ma­ny or in the Uni­ted King­dom – coun­tries in which we led com­pa­ra­tive sur­veys – they are see­king more direct actions from their citi­zens in order to improve repre­sen­ta­tive demo­cra­cy. In France, they are a rejec­tion of the exis­ting poli­ti­cal sys­tem. This situa­tion also explains the signi­fi­cant amount of abs­ten­tion, and the grea­ter sus­pi­cion towards scien­ti­fic exper­tise in France.

Interview by Agnès Vernet
1https://www.sciencespo.fr/cevipof/sites/sciencespo.fr.cevipof/files/BONNE%20VERSION%20FINALE‑1.pdf
2https://www.sciencespo.fr/cevipof/sites/sciencespo.fr.cevipof/files/Barome%CC%80tre%20Vague%2012%20bis%201-%20VERSION%20FINALE%20(pour%20mise%20sur%20le%20site%20CEVIPOF).pdf

Contributors

Luc Rouban

Luc Rouban

CNRS Research director at Cevipof

Luc Rouban's work falls within the framework of political sociology and his research focuses more specifically on democracy, notably political and social elites. He recently published "La matière noire de la démocratie", Presses de Sciences Po, 2019 and "Quel avenir pour les maires?", La Documentation française, 2020.

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