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Politics and science : a look back at the Covid-19 health crisis

DELFRAISSY_Jean-François
Jean-François Delfraissy
Chairman of the French National Consultative Ethics Committee
Key takeaways
  • Dialogue between politicians and scientists is sometimes difficult because politicians are not trained in technical matters or in accepting doubt.
  • The French political decisions taken during the health crisis were informed by national experts and international scientific teams.
  • The European response to the crisis was the most effective: the loss of life expectancy being -3 months in France compared with -2.6 years in the United States.
  • Social networks give much greater weight to opinion, which has led to a rise in conspiracy theories during the health crisis.
  • More and more training courses are being set up to give politicians a better grasp of the issues at stake in the world of research and its processes.

Do you think science and politics go well together ?

They are two very dif­ferent worlds, but dia­logue bet­ween them is essen­tial to the vita­li­ty of our demo­cra­cy, even if it is some­times com­plex to esta­blish. This is true in the health sec­tor, and even more so during health crises such as the one we are still expe­rien­cing with Covid-19. It is also true of other more or less recent issues. For example, a few years ago, the autho­ri­ties deci­ded whe­ther or not to pur­sue nuclear poli­cy in France after lis­te­ning to a num­ber of experts. Although the experts’ views were not ful­ly taken into account – as the final deci­sion res­ted with the poli­ti­cians – the scien­ti­fic exper­tise hel­ped to cla­ri­fy the deci­sion that was made. But, make no mis­take, this dia­logue is gover­ned by a fun­da­men­tal prin­ciple that has always been very clear : we are a demo­cra­cy in which is the role of elec­ted poli­ti­cians to make the final deci­sions. The role of the experts is to enligh­ten them, nothing more. 

Has this relationship been marked by ups and downs ? 

Yes, of course. And for many rea­sons. First­ly, when it comes to science and exper­tise, sub­jects are beco­ming increa­sin­gly tech­ni­cal, which means that poli­ti­cians don’t neces­sa­ri­ly have the know­ledge to ful­ly grasp them. Second­ly, the French poli­ti­cal world is fair­ly ste­reo­ty­ped. It’s a world in which elec­ted mem­bers of the Natio­nal Assem­bly or the Senate, for example, live side by side with seve­ral thou­sand people wor­king in cabi­nets or major admi­nis­tra­tive depart­ments. Most of them are gra­duates of ENA, now known as the Ins­ti­tut natio­nal du ser­vice public (INSP). This school, which is spe­ci­fic to France, trains sharp minds that are capable of taking deci­sions, but does not intro­duce them to scien­ti­fic rea­so­ning. Most of them left the field of science in the second or first year of secon­da­ry school and were sub­se­quent­ly trai­ned in huma­ni­ties-orien­ted courses.

Almost all of our poli­ti­cians have never taken part in a the­sis, either in the hard sciences or in the huma­ni­ties and social sciences. Yet pre­pa­ring and defen­ding a the­sis requires an unders­tan­ding of how research works – in other words an accep­tance of doubt and uncer­tain­ty. Our ruling class, to some extent, is too used to living in igno­rance of this doubt. It is also stri­king to note that there are almost no engi­neers left in our poli­ti­cal class, which was not always the case. Today, the vast majo­ri­ty of engi­neers work in the pri­vate sec­tor, whe­reas in other major Euro­pean demo­cra­cies such as Ger­ma­ny, the UK and Spain, there is grea­ter diver­si­fi­ca­tion of the ruling elite.

What are the differences with the British model, for example ? 

In the Anglo-Saxon model, there is often a chief scien­tist who is res­pon­sible for com­mu­ni­ca­ting scien­ti­fic infor­ma­tion to poli­ti­cal deci­sion-makers. In France, I don’t think we’ve given enough thought to this model. Our cur­rent rela­tion­ship bet­ween exper­tise and poli­ti­cal deci­sions is based on a series of good wills and esta­bli­shed links, but it is not suf­fi­cient­ly struc­tu­red to be real­ly effective.

How is this an obstacle to good relations between scientists and politicians ? 

It makes exchanges more com­plex for two rea­sons. First­ly, the rela­tion­ship bet­ween exter­nal exper­tise and deci­sion-makers is wea­ke­ned because the lat­ter do not always have the cultu­ral back­ground to unders­tand what scien­tists are sha­ring with them.What’s more, the resul­ting lack of unders­tan­ding of the research com­mu­ni­ty and the rela­ti­ve­ly limi­ted inter­est shown in it by poli­ti­cal players part­ly explains the dif­fi­cul­ty we have in France in making research appear as essen­tial to the nation’s vision as it did 30 or 40 years ago. Today, we talk a lot about inno­va­tion, but in the end, we don’t real­ly talk about research anymore.

How can we break out of these stereotypes ?

There is now a gro­wing awa­re­ness of the impor­tance of diver­si­fying the trai­ning and know­ledge base of those who make deci­sions. We have been asked to pro­vide infor­ma­tion ses­sions on public health issues and epi­de­mic pre­pa­red­ness, for example. In fact, the INSP has a course on the sub­ject. Let’s be clear, the aim is not to turn deci­sion-makers into scien­tists, but to diver­si­fy their trai­ning so that they have a bet­ter grasp of the major issues at stake in the world of research and its processes.

What is the role of the citizen here ? 

The citi­zen is an inte­gral part of the ongoing construc­tion of demo­cra­cy, par­ti­cu­lar­ly demo­cra­cy in heal­th­care. The tri­angle they form with the expert and the poli­ti­cian means that their inter­ests can be bet­ter consi­de­red, a num­ber of contra­dic­tions and dis­trusts can be clea­red up, and public action can be taken in a cli­mate of grea­ter trust on a wide range of issues – par­ti­cu­lar­ly in times of cri­sis, whe­ther finan­cial or health-related.

What’s impor­tant in cri­sis mana­ge­ment is to pre­serve the bond of trust bet­ween citi­zens, poli­ti­cians, and experts. This is the most dif­fi­cult thing to achieve because trust is never taken for gran­ted : it must be built, it must be wor­ked on. With the Scien­ti­fic Advi­so­ry Board, we have tried to do our best to enligh­ten our fel­low citi­zens and poli­ti­cians to main­tain this trust, by pro­vi­ding the right infor­ma­tion in an emer­gen­cy situa­tion, which requires com­plex reflexive work.

The res­ponse of Euro­pean demo­cra­cies to the health cri­sis was the most effec­tive of all.

As with the “health pass”, the trans­la­tion of the experts’ word into poli­ti­cal action has rai­sed the hackles of a num­ber of citi­zens. I approach this situa­tion with a cer­tain degree of humi­li­ty. First of all, it’s not easy to make poli­ti­cal deci­sions. We always tend to accuse poli­ti­cians of various and sun­dry ills, but in France we are lucky enough to still have a real demo­cra­tic vision, which is not the case in all coun­tries. Our govern­ments have ensu­red that their deci­sions are infor­med by the word of experts, whose sole role is to advise. In my opi­nion, the dis­tinc­tion bet­ween the res­pon­si­bi­li­ties of each par­ty was very clear. 

What’s more, all the data pro­vi­ded by the various inter­na­tio­nal teams wor­king on the conse­quences of this pan­de­mic, using the loss of life expec­tan­cy of a nation as a mar­ker, and com­pa­ring mor­ta­li­ty lin­ked to Covid and mor­ta­li­ty unre­la­ted to the cri­sis, poin­ted in the same direc­tion. Contra­ry to what was said at the start of the cri­sis, the res­ponse of demo­cra­cies, and in par­ti­cu­lar Euro­pean demo­cra­cies, was ulti­ma­te­ly the most effec­tive of all.

The loss of life expec­tan­cy during the first two years of the Covid-19 cri­sis in Europe varies bet­ween ‑3 months in France, com­pa­red with ‑6 months in Ger­ma­ny and ‑9 months in Spain and the UK, and even ‑1.2 and ‑1.5 years of loss of life expec­tan­cy for Eas­tern Euro­pean coun­tries, which are among those that vac­ci­na­ted the least in Europe. In the Uni­ted States, a demo­cra­tic and high­ly inno­va­tive nation, if only in the field of vac­cines, the loss of lifes­pan was ‑2.6 years. Why such a huge dif­fe­rence ? How can we explain it ? By the dif­fi­cul­ty of access to heal­th­care for the most vul­ne­rable and poo­rest popu­la­tions, in par­ti­cu­lar Afri­can-Ame­ri­cans and His­pa­nics. This issue of access to care, and the­re­fore of cove­ring the costs for the most vul­ne­rable, is an essen­tial fac­tor to consi­der. This shows that we can­not pit research and inno­va­tion against public health mea­sures, or indi­vi­dual free­doms against col­lec­tive freedoms.

Isn’t public distrust of science on the rise ? 

I’m not a spe­cia­list in the his­to­ry of science, but I think this mis­trust has always exis­ted. Science and scien­ti­fic research have always pro­gres­sed with dif­fi­cul­ty. Doubts, whe­ther they ema­nate from indi­vi­duals or ins­ti­tu­tions – inclu­ding the Catho­lic Church, which has refu­ted seve­ral major dis­co­ve­ries throu­ghout its his­to­ry – have always been part of this com­plex rela­tion­ship bet­ween poli­ti­cians, scien­tists and citi­zens. Above all, socie­ty’s com­mu­ni­ca­tion tools have chan­ged consi­de­ra­bly : social net­works have given a new dimen­sion to opi­nion and given it much grea­ter weight than before.

In fact, during this health crisis, we’ve seen an upsurge in conspiracy theories.

Social media have lar­ge­ly inter­fe­red in the rela­tion­ships bet­ween scien­tists, poli­ti­cians, and the gene­ral public. This demo­cra­tic tri­angle is per­haps beco­ming a square in which the new part­ner is the social net­works. This leads me to make two observations.

In my opi­nion, social media have lar­ge­ly inter­fe­red in the rela­tion­ship bet­ween scien­tists, poli­ti­cians, and citizens.

First of all, and I think this may not have been made suf­fi­cient­ly clear during this cri­sis, we need to make eve­ryone unders­tand what research uncer­tain­ty is. Research is built by asking ques­tions and trying to find ans­wers. Social net­works have not contri­bu­ted, to say the least, to this recog­ni­tion of uncer­tain­ty in science.

The second point is that science does have a cer­tain num­ber of cer­tain­ties. I don’t mind people saying wha­te­ver they want on social media, but the earth is round. If you put your hand in a pan of boi­ling water, you can say wha­te­ver you like on Twit­ter, but you’ll get burnt. Today there are seve­ral solid scien­ti­fic foun­da­tions that abso­lu­te­ly must be pro­tec­ted from the ‘conspi­ra­cy’ of social net­works and the dis­in­for­ma­tion to which they contribute. 

What about scientists ? How can we improve their engagement with political decision-makers ?

They are trai­ned to do science and publish their work, not neces­sa­ri­ly to com­mu­ni­cate their exper­tise. This is where we need to improve com­mu­ni­ca­tion and trai­ning within these dif­ferent spheres to move towards grea­ter mutual understanding.

Interview by Jean Zeid

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