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Sino-American rivalry in orbit : what are the facts ?

Isabelle Sourbès‑Verger_VF
Isabelle Sourbès-Verger
Geographer and CNRS Research Director
Key takeaways
  • China is now a global space power, and notably the only nation besides the US to have successfully landed a rover on Mars and made it move.
  • However, further investment is still needed to compete with the US: China’s budget for space activities as a whole is $20bn.
  • While private players are an asset in space strategies, most Chinese players are heavily subject to state control and political decisions.
  • China is currently seeking to prioritise the use of resources on the Moon, using ISRU (In Situ Resource Utilisation) to contribute to the operation of its facilities.
  • Today, China has clear objectives: to send a Chinese citizen to the Moon, to set up a scientific exploration base, etc.

Since laun­ching its first satel­lite in 1970, Chi­na has tra­vel­led a spec­ta­cu­lar path in the conquest of space. Now the world’s third space power, it rivals the Uni­ted States and Rus­sia on all fronts : cre­wed flights, pla­ne­ta­ry explo­ra­tion, and appli­ca­tion satel­lites. Yet, des­pite bud­gets still three times smal­ler than Washing­ton’s, Bei­jing dis­plays clear ambi­tions and a poli­ti­cal consis­ten­cy that contrasts with Ame­ri­can rever­sals. Bet­ween myths of lunar pre­da­tion and tech­no­lo­gi­cal rea­li­ties, what is the true nature of this Sino-Ame­ri­can rival­ry in orbit ? Isa­belle Sour­bès-Ver­ger, research direc­tor at CNRS, sorts fact from fiction.

#1 China is a leading space power

TRUE

Without a doubt, Chi­na is now one of the world’s lea­ding space powers. It has repea­ted­ly demons­tra­ted its abi­li­ty to car­ry out all types of mis­sions, having inves­ted in seve­ral major areas of space explo­ra­tion in recent decades.

After gai­ning inde­pendent access to space in 1970 to send its own satel­lites into orbit, in 2003 the coun­try was able to send people into space and then have its own sta­tions in orbit, capa­bi­li­ties that pre­vious­ly only Rus­sia and the Uni­ted States pos­ses­sed. Chi­na has also mas­te­red explo­ra­tion mis­sions, which involve lea­ving Earth’s orbit to tra­vel to Mars, for example. To date, Chi­na and the Uni­ted States remain the only nations to have attemp­ted and suc­cee­ded in lan­ding a rover on Mars and get­ting it to move around. Its tech­no­lo­gi­cal exper­tise is evident in the field of satel­lite sys­tems for tele­com­mu­ni­ca­tions, obser­va­tion and navi­ga­tion. Astro­no­my and astro­phy­sics are two other fields of stu­dy in which it has invested.

In short, it meets all the cri­te­ria for achie­ving space power status.

UNCERTAIN

While the Uni­ted States has undoub­ted­ly held the top spot in the ran­kings for seve­ral decades, second and third place are more dif­fi­cult to deter­mine. Rus­sia stands out due to its capa­bi­li­ties in mili­ta­ry space tech­no­lo­gy, while the Euro­pean Union has ambi­tious high-tech pro­grammes, even if it lacks auto­no­my in man­ned flights. If the cri­te­rion used to define the ran­king is the diver­si­ty of capa­bi­li­ties, rather than their level, then Chi­na ranks ahead of its two com­pe­ti­tors, Rus­sia and the Euro­pean Union. Never­the­less, seve­ral years of effort and invest­ment will still be nee­ded before it can com­pete on equal terms with the Uni­ted States.

A com­pa­ri­son of the bud­gets allo­ca­ted to space is enough to grasp the gap bet­ween the two powers. Washing­ton spends bet­ween $60–70bn on space, inclu­ding $40–50bn on mili­ta­ry space, while China’s total bud­get is $20bn. Bei­jing has achie­ved its pri­ma­ry objec­tive of being reco­gni­sed glo­bal­ly as a lea­ding space power by cat­ching up from a consi­de­rable ini­tial tech­no­lo­gi­cal lag. Howe­ver, it is not clear that it is in the space sec­tor that Chi­na wants to demons­trate its super­io­ri­ty over its com­pe­ti­tor ; other sym­bo­lic areas are also up for grabs.

#2 Private actors are an asset in space strategies

TRUE

In the his­to­ry of the US space pro­gramme, major tra­di­tio­nal indus­tria­lists such as Boeing were indeed pri­vate actors who played a key role in natio­nal stra­te­gy. This confi­gu­ra­tion has chan­ged pro­found­ly, as new players, pri­ma­ri­ly the Elon Musk led Spa­ceX and its sub­si­dia­ry Star­link, have chan­ged the rules of the game. They stand out for their desire to pur­sue their own space poli­cy, whe­reas the first gene­ra­tion of players were content to ful­fil a ser­vice pro­vi­der role by respon­ding to orders from NASA. Today, NewS­pace entre­pre­neurs can own their own launch vehicles. This is the case with Star­link, which uses Fal­con launch vehicles fre­quent­ly used by NASA and the Depart­ment of Defence. These public orders off­set and recoup their finan­cial costs.

The Chi­nese land­scape is dif­ferent in many res­pects. A few pri­vate com­pa­nies are active in the tele­com­mu­ni­ca­tions and obser­va­tion sec­tors, and recent­ly, launch vehicle manu­fac­tu­rers have emer­ged. Howe­ver, as state control is inherent to the Chi­nese model, the space eco­no­my and entre­pre­neur­ship out­side the public sphere remain sub­ject to poli­ti­cal decisions.

UNCERTAIN

Half of the ope­ra­tio­nal satel­lites in low Earth orbit belong to Star­link, a com­pa­ny in which Elon Musk is the majo­ri­ty sha­re­hol­der. In space, he is hel­ping to conso­li­date the Uni­ted States’ domi­nant posi­tion, but above all he is fol­lo­wing his own path, which is not always the same as that of the White House.

#3 Both China and the United States want to exploit resources on the Moon

FALSE

When dis­cus­sing lunar explo­ra­tion, it is essen­tial to dif­fe­ren­tiate bet­ween issues rela­ting to man­ned flights and those rela­ting to unman­ned flights. With a view to exploi­ting lunar resources, human pre­sence is a fac­tor that creates addi­tio­nal constraints due to the need for water, air, food, etc. This requires addi­tio­nal infra­struc­ture and the­re­fore high addi­tio­nal costs, whe­reas robo­tics has made major advances.

Resource exploi­ta­tion has two com­po­nents : on-site use, known as ISRU (In Situ Resource Uti­li­sa­tion), and exploi­ta­tion for com­mer­cial pur­poses. ISRU is essen­tial for the ope­ra­tion of faci­li­ties, and as such, nei­ther the Sino-Rus­sian base nor the Ame­ri­can base can do without it. Com­mer­cial exploi­ta­tion, on the other hand, is a pure­ly Ame­ri­can ini­tia­tive desi­gned to attract the pri­vate sec­tor but which, for the moment, is main­ly sup­por­ted by NASA.

The dis­course in the Uni­ted States is to posi­tion Chi­na as a pre­da­to­ry com­pe­ti­tor. This nar­ra­tive, which is ins­pi­red by com­pe­ti­tion on Earth but also refers to the race to the Moon with the USSR, serves to mobi­lise sup­port. But beyond the myths to be per­pe­tua­ted and the tech­no­lo­gi­cal chal­lenges, poli­ti­cal and even ethi­cal ques­tions arise when we talk about lunar resources and their poten­tial use on Earth. What would be the point of brin­ging back a neces­sa­ri­ly limi­ted quan­ti­ty of rare metals in an era when their consump­tion is mea­su­red in tonnes ? Fur­ther­more, if we add the cost of return to the cost of exploi­ta­tion, the eco­no­mic balance and sus­tai­na­bi­li­ty of such a model seem inconsistent.

UNCERTAIN

Across the Atlan­tic, the grea­test uncer­tain­ty is pri­ma­ri­ly poli­ti­cal. Pre­sident Trump’s plans for space explo­ra­tion are incon­sistent. NASA’s Arte­mis space pro­gramme is proof of this. With the goal of lan­ding a crew on the Moon by 2027, it was laun­ched during his first term, conti­nued under Joe Biden, and is now being cal­led into ques­tion during his second term.

In contrast, Chi­na seems to be pur­suing a clear goal : to take a Chi­nese citi­zen to the Moon for the first time in the country’s his­to­ry, learn how to sus­tain human life there, and then set up a scien­ti­fic explo­ra­tion base. Let us remem­ber that in 1969, while Neil Arm­strong was wal­king on the Moon, Chi­na was under­going the Cultu­ral Revo­lu­tion. On the other hand, in terms of dead­lines, it is unli­ke­ly that the crews will speed up the pace in res­ponse to Donald Trump’s with­dra­wal. The repu­ta­tio­nal stakes are high, and they will not run the risk of failure.

Alicia Piveteau

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