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What can the international market do to address Chinese technological innovation?

Maximilian von Zedtwitz_VF
Maximilian von Zedtwitz
Professor of Strategy at the University of St. Gallen and Visiting Professor at Ecole Polytechnique (IP Paris)
Key takeaways
  • There are three strategies for countering China's technological rise: techno-nationalism, techno-localism, and protectionism.
  • Techno-nationalism causes immediate disruption through bans and export controls.
  • Techno-localism requires a local presence to access the market, which creates opportunities but also competitive risks.
  • Protectionism aims to protect domestic industries through tariffs, subsidies, and supply preferences.
  • Market-driven globalisation is coming to an end, replaced by trade influenced by geopolitics and competition rules.

Two decades ago, Chi­na was the world’s fac­to­ry floor—a place where West­ern-designed prod­ucts were assem­bled by low-cost labour and shipped back to afflu­ent mar­kets. Today, Chi­nese com­pa­nies are set­ting the pace in arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence, dom­i­nat­ing elec­tric vehi­cle sales, and chal­leng­ing Sil­i­con Valley’s tech­no­log­i­cal suprema­cy. This trans­for­ma­tion has sent shock­waves through Wash­ing­ton, Brus­sels, and oth­er West­ern cap­i­tals, forc­ing pol­i­cy­mak­ers to craft increas­ing­ly sophis­ti­cat­ed respons­es to what they see as an exis­ten­tial threat to their eco­nom­ic leadership.

The result is a com­plex web of poli­cies that many exec­u­tives mis­tak­en­ly view as sim­ple “decou­pling” from Chi­na. But the real­i­ty is far more nuanced. West­ern gov­ern­ments are deploy­ing three dis­tinct yet over­lap­ping strategies—each with dif­fer­ent impli­ca­tions for busi­ness­es try­ing to nav­i­gate this new land­scape. Under­stand­ing these approach­es is cru­cial for com­pa­nies seek­ing to iden­ti­fy both risks and oppor­tu­ni­ties in an increas­ing­ly frag­ment­ed glob­al economy.

The stakes couldn’t be high­er. China’s rapid tech­no­log­i­cal ascent has cre­at­ed depen­den­cies that are dif­fi­cult and expen­sive to unwind, while its 1.4 bil­lion con­sumers rep­re­sent a mar­ket too large for most com­pa­nies to aban­don. Yet nation­al secu­ri­ty con­cerns are dri­ving poli­cies that could fun­da­men­tal­ly reshape how glob­al busi­ness oper­ates, from sup­ply chains to research part­ner­ships to mar­ket access strategies.

Techno-nationalism: drawing hard lines in critical sectors

The most aggres­sive West­ern response has been techno-nationalism—the delib­er­ate exclu­sion of Chi­nese com­pa­nies from crit­i­cal tech­nol­o­gy ecosys­tems based on nation­al secu­ri­ty grounds. This approach rep­re­sents a fun­da­men­tal shift from the eco­nom­ic log­ic that has dri­ven glob­al­i­sa­tion for decades, pri­ori­tis­ing secu­ri­ty con­cerns over com­mer­cial inter­ests. The clear­est exam­ple remains the com­pre­hen­sive cam­paign against Huawei, once the world’s largest smart­phone man­u­fac­tur­er and a leader in 5G telecom­mu­ni­ca­tions equip­ment. The Trump administration’s restric­tions, which have been main­tained and expand­ed under Pres­i­dent Biden, effec­tive­ly cut Huawei off from Google ser­vices, advanced semi­con­duc­tors, and crit­i­cal soft­ware updates. The impact was dev­as­tat­ing: Huawei’s glob­al smart­phone mar­ket share col­lapsed from 20% to bare­ly 2% with­in two years.

The US Bureau of Indus­try and Secu­ri­ty now main­tains enti­ty lists with over 600 Chi­nese com­pa­nies banned from receiv­ing Amer­i­can technology.

But Huawei was just the begin­ning. The U.S. Bureau of Indus­try and Secu­ri­ty now main­tains enti­ty lists with over 600 Chi­nese com­pa­nies banned from receiv­ing Amer­i­can tech­nol­o­gy. These restric­tions span from obvi­ous tar­gets like telecom­mu­ni­ca­tions giant ZTE to less­er-known firms in arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence, biotech­nol­o­gy, and advanced man­u­fac­tur­ing. The Chi­nese AI com­pa­ny DeepSeek, despite its open-source approach, has seen its gen­er­a­tive AI tools banned from U.S. gov­ern­ment sys­tems, with law­mak­ers propos­ing even broad­er restric­tions. Europe has fol­lowed suit, though often with less sweep­ing mea­sures. The UK banned Huawei from its 5G net­works by 2027, while the Euro­pean Union has giv­en mem­ber states tools to exclude “high-risk ven­dors” from crit­i­cal infra­struc­ture projects. The Nether­lands, home to crit­i­cal semi­con­duc­tor equip­ment man­u­fac­tur­er ASML, has restrict­ed exports of advanced lith­o­g­ra­phy machines that are essen­tial for pro­duc­ing cut­ting-edge com­put­er chips.

The semi­con­duc­tor sec­tor has become a par­tic­u­lar flash­point. Export con­trols now pre­vent Chi­nese com­pa­nies from access­ing not just advanced chips, but also the equip­ment need­ed to man­u­fac­ture them. These restric­tions have forced Chi­na to invest bil­lions in domes­tic semi­con­duc­tor capa­bil­i­ties, though experts debate whether these efforts can over­come the tech­no­log­i­cal gaps any­time soon. For West­ern busi­ness­es, tech­no-nation­al­ist poli­cies cre­ate imme­di­ate and often painful dis­rup­tions. Com­pa­nies with Chi­nese part­ners, sup­pli­ers, or cus­tomers in restrict­ed sec­tors face forced sep­a­ra­tions with lit­tle time to adjust. The les­son for exec­u­tives is clear: wait­ing for restric­tions to be announced is often too late. Smart com­pa­nies are con­duct­ing reg­u­lar risk assess­ments, devel­op­ing con­tin­gency sup­ply chains, and lob­by­ing for rea­son­able imple­men­ta­tion time­lines through indus­try associations.

Techno-localism: keeping the door open with conditions

Where tech­no-nation­al­ism shuts the door entire­ly, tech­no-local­ism keeps it open but demands a price: Chi­nese com­pa­nies can par­tic­i­pate in West­ern mar­kets, but they must estab­lish sub­stan­tial local pres­ence and often trans­fer tech­nol­o­gy as the cost of admis­sion. This approach recog­nis­es that com­plete exclu­sion of Chi­nese tech­nol­o­gy may be eco­nom­i­cal­ly dam­ag­ing or even coun­ter­pro­duc­tive. Instead, it seeks to cap­ture the ben­e­fits of Chi­nese inno­va­tion while main­tain­ing domes­tic con­trol over crit­i­cal tech­nolo­gies and pro­duc­tion capa­bil­i­ties. Iron­i­cal­ly, this mir­rors China’s own play­book from the past two decades, when for­eign com­pa­nies faced sim­i­lar require­ments to access the Chi­nese mar­ket. The most promi­nent exam­ple has been the ongo­ing bat­tle over Tik­Tok. Rather than ban­ning the app out­right, U.S. law­mak­ers have demand­ed that ByteDance sell its Amer­i­can oper­a­tions to domes­tic own­ers. The under­ly­ing log­ic is that Tik­Tok’s algo­rithm and user data rep­re­sent valu­able assets that should ben­e­fit Amer­i­can rather than Chi­nese inter­ests. Sim­i­lar pres­sures have been applied to oth­er Chi­nese apps and ser­vices that han­dle sen­si­tive user information.

In the elec­tric vehi­cle sec­tor, the Euro­pean Union has embraced tech­no-local­ism as a way to ben­e­fit from Chi­nese bat­tery tech­nol­o­gy while build­ing domes­tic indus­tri­al capac­i­ty. Chi­nese bat­tery giants like CATL and BYD have estab­lished Euro­pean man­u­fac­tur­ing facil­i­ties to access sub­stan­tial devel­op­ment grants and sub­si­dies. These arrange­ments give Euro­pean gov­ern­ments some con­trol over crit­i­cal sup­ply chains while allow­ing Chi­nese com­pa­nies to par­tic­i­pate in the lucra­tive tran­si­tion to elec­tric mobil­i­ty. The approach extends to data local­i­sa­tion require­ments, where Chi­nese tech com­pa­nies must store Euro­pean user data with­in EU bor­ders, and joint ven­ture man­dates that effec­tive­ly force tech­nol­o­gy shar­ing as a con­di­tion of mar­ket entry. Some arrange­ments go fur­ther, requir­ing licens­ing deals that ensure West­ern com­pa­nies gain access to Chi­nese innovations.

For busi­ness­es, tech­no-local­ist poli­cies present both oppor­tu­ni­ties and risks. In the short term, West­ern com­pa­nies can gain access to cut­ting-edge Chi­nese tech­nol­o­gy, expand­ed mar­ket share, and cost advan­tages through these arrange­ments. How­ev­er, forced tech­nol­o­gy trans­fer can reduce Chi­nese com­pa­nies’ incen­tives to inno­vate in open part­ner­ships, poten­tial­ly leav­ing West­ern part­ners with access to out­dat­ed tech­nol­o­gy as Chi­nese com­pa­nies focus their lat­est devel­op­ments on unre­strict­ed mar­kets. The key for exec­u­tives is to care­ful­ly bal­ance imme­di­ate gains against long-term com­pet­i­tive risks. Com­pa­nies that become too depen­dent on forced tech­nol­o­gy trans­fers may find them­selves at a dis­ad­van­tage as Chi­nese part­ners devel­op alter­na­tive strate­gies or focus inno­va­tion elsewhere.

Protectionism: geographic preference over ownership

The third strat­e­gy, pro­tec­tion­ism, takes a dif­fer­ent approach entire­ly. Rather than focus­ing on com­pa­ny own­er­ship or secu­ri­ty con­cerns, it seeks to pro­tect domes­tic indus­tries through tar­iffs, sub­si­dies, and pro­cure­ment preferences—regardless of where a com­pa­ny’s head­quar­ters hap­pens to be locat­ed. The Biden administration’s 100% tar­iff on Chi­nese-built elec­tric vehi­cles rep­re­sents per­haps the stark­est exam­ple of this approach. The tar­iff effec­tive­ly dou­bles the price of Chi­nese EVs, mak­ing them uncom­pet­i­tive with domes­tic alter­na­tives regard­less of their tech­no­log­i­cal mer­its. Sim­i­lar duties have been imposed on Chi­nese solar pan­els, semi­con­duc­tors, steel, and alu­mini­um, cre­at­ing sub­stan­tial cost dis­ad­van­tages for Chi­nese exporters.

But mod­ern pro­tec­tion­ism goes beyond tar­iffs. The Infla­tion Reduc­tion Act pro­vides up to $369bn in clean ener­gy incen­tives, with domes­tic con­tent require­ments that favour Amer­i­can man­u­fac­tur­ers. The CHIPS Act allo­cates $52bn for semi­con­duc­tor man­u­fac­tur­ing, with restric­tions pre­vent­ing recip­i­ents from expand­ing advanced chip pro­duc­tion in Chi­na. Europe has respond­ed with its own Green Deal Indus­tri­al Plan, includ­ing sub­stan­tial sub­si­dies for clean tech­nol­o­gy man­u­fac­tur­ing with­in the EU.

Pro­tec­tion­ist poli­cies often prove less effec­tive than intend­ed because they address geog­ra­phy rather than own­er­ship or control.

These poli­cies aim to rebuild domes­tic indus­tri­al capac­i­ty that has been hol­lowed out by decades of glob­al­iza­tion. “Buy Amer­i­can” pro­vi­sions in fed­er­al pro­cure­ment give domes­tic com­pa­nies sig­nif­i­cant bid­ding advan­tages, while state-lev­el pref­er­ences extend pro­tec­tion­ist poli­cies to region­al gov­ern­ment pur­chas­ing. How­ev­er, pro­tec­tion­ist poli­cies often prove less effec­tive than intend­ed because they address geog­ra­phy rather than own­er­ship or con­trol. Chi­nese com­pa­nies have demon­strat­ed remark­able adapt­abil­i­ty in cir­cum­vent­ing trade bar­ri­ers through direct invest­ment, third-coun­try strate­gies, and com­plex part­ner­ship arrangements.

BYD, despite fac­ing high tar­iffs on Chi­nese-built vehi­cles, has main­tained lucra­tive con­tracts with Amer­i­can tran­sit author­i­ties through its Cal­i­for­nia man­u­fac­tur­ing facil­i­ty. The com­pa­ny tech­ni­cal­ly pro­duces « Amer­i­can-made » vehi­cles while retain­ing Chi­nese own­er­ship and con­trol. Sim­i­lar­ly, Chi­nese solar man­u­fac­tur­ers have estab­lished sig­nif­i­cant U.S. pro­duc­tion capac­i­ty, enabling them to qual­i­fy for the very sub­si­dies designed to sup­port Amer­i­can indus­try. Chi­nese man­u­fac­tur­ers are also increas­ing­ly rout­ing prod­ucts through Mex­i­co, Viet­nam, and oth­er coun­tries to avoid tar­iffs, while main­tain­ing con­trol over key tech­nolo­gies and process­es. These strate­gies high­light a fun­da­men­tal chal­lenge with pro­tec­tion­ist approach­es: in a glob­al­ly inte­grat­ed econ­o­my, nation­al­i­ty of pro­duc­tion and own­er­ship can be decou­pled in ways that under­mine pol­i­cy effectiveness.

Navigating the new landscape

The three-strat­e­gy frame­work reveals why sim­ple “decou­pling” nar­ra­tives miss the mark. West­ern gov­ern­ments are not uni­form­ly shut­ting out Chi­nese tech­nol­o­gy but are instead deploy­ing sophis­ti­cat­ed tools to reshape com­pet­i­tive dynam­ics in their favour. The chal­lenge for busi­ness lead­ers is under­stand­ing which approach applies to their spe­cif­ic indus­try and adjust­ing strate­gies accord­ing­ly. Com­pa­nies oper­at­ing in sec­tors deemed crit­i­cal to nation­al security—telecommunications, semi­con­duc­tors, arti­fi­cial intelligence—should expect tech­no-nation­al­ist restric­tions and plan accord­ing­ly. Those in indus­tries where tech­nol­o­gy trans­fer is valu­able may find oppor­tu­ni­ties in tech­no-local­ist arrange­ments, though they must care­ful­ly man­age long-term com­pet­i­tive risks. In sec­tors fac­ing pro­tec­tion­ist mea­sures, the key is rec­og­niz­ing that these poli­cies often cre­ate win­dows rather than walls—opportunities for strate­gic repo­si­tion­ing rather than per­ma­nent exclusion.

The broad­er trend is clear: the era of pure­ly mar­ket-dri­ven glob­al­iza­tion is end­ing, replaced by a more com­plex sys­tem where geopo­lit­i­cal con­sid­er­a­tions increas­ing­ly shape com­mer­cial rela­tion­ships. Com­pa­nies that adapt quick­ly to these new rules of engage­ment will find oppor­tu­ni­ties even in a more frag­ment­ed world. Those that cling to old assump­tions about fric­tion­less glob­al mar­kets may find them­selves increas­ing­ly dis­ad­van­taged. As China’s most capa­ble com­pa­nies con­tin­ue adapt­ing to each pol­i­cy shift, West­ern firms face a stark choice: evolve their strate­gies to match this new real­i­ty or risk being left behind in a rapid­ly chang­ing com­pet­i­tive land­scape. The com­pa­nies that thrive will be those that view these pol­i­cy frame­works not as obsta­cles to over­come but as new rules of the game to master.

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