1_utopieDisruption
π Economics
Has the pandemic revived debate over universal basic income?

Universal basic income: utopia or a fuss over nothing?

with Richard Robert, Journalist and Author
On October 13th, 2021 |
4min reading time
Key takeaways
  • Formalised in the 1980s, the idea of a “universal basic income” has long remained marginal, even utopian.
  • But recently, Kenya, India and Finland launched experiments, Switzerland organised a referendum and, in 2020, the United States distributed $1,200 per person to help households cope with the pandemic.
  • Advocates say it is simple, fair, and effective, referring to the fact that despite the huge sums spent on ‘social’ poverty has not disappeared from rich countries.
  • However, critics complain about how it would remove the incentive to work, making some jobs less attractive and others much more expensive.
  • The idea of a minimum universal income thus raises objections as serious as the justifications that support it.

The Covid-19 pan­dem­ic would seem to have revived the debate around Uni­ver­sal Basic Income (UBI), even though pri­or to that it had remained mar­gin­al. It is an inter­est­ing con­cept in the fact that it exists in numer­ous forms, and new ver­sions or inter­pre­ta­tions can arise. Faced with strong objec­tions on one side and sub­stan­tial sup­port on the oth­er, it remains a con­tentious idea. Nev­er­the­less, as a dis­rup­tive inno­va­tion, UBI is tak­en seri­ous­ly in polit­i­cal debate and con­sti­tutes a use­ful prospec­tive tool to imag­ine a dif­fer­ent future – but also to bet­ter under­stand the present.

A break from utopia?

The idea of a “citizen’s basic income” or a “uni­ver­sal basic income” (UBI) first appeared dur­ing the Great Depres­sion and was lat­er for­malised in the 1980s. Although, though it remained a mar­gin­al, even utopi­an, idea for a long time. Aside from Alas­ka, which intro­duced UBI to redis­trib­ute oil rev­enue, pol­i­cy­mak­ers and pop­u­la­tions have not seemed so inter­est­ed in the con­cept. But recent­ly, in only a mat­ter of years, its appli­ca­tion has been accel­er­at­ed in var­i­ous coun­tries includ­ing Kenya, India and Fin­land which have all launched exper­i­ments; or Switzer­land which held a ref­er­en­dum on the ques­tion, even if the pop­u­la­tion vot­ed against it.

Sur­pris­ing­ly, it is in the Unit­ed States, faced with the pan­dem­ic in 2020, that the most pow­er­ful UBI ini­tia­tive was put into place. Every house­hold received a pay­ment of $1,200 per per­son. But what was it? A heli­copter mon­ey pol­i­cy, for­mer­ly advo­cat­ed by Mil­ton Fried­man? A social pol­i­cy to com­pen­sate for the weak­ness of the Amer­i­can wel­fare state? A pol­i­cy to stim­u­late con­sumers to spend? The mere fact that we ask these ques­tions high­lights the dif­fer­ent assets of a con­cept like UBI that is dif­fi­cult to fit in tra­di­tion­al categories.

The dis­rup­tive nature of UBI is also empha­sised by the aston­ish­ing vari­ety of intel­lec­tu­al and polit­i­cal groups that defend it. On the sur­face, it is a con­cept designed for its sim­plic­i­ty, but the neces­si­ty of such a sys­tem has been con­tro­ver­sial. By momen­tar­i­ly shat­ter­ing the issue of cost sur­round­ing such a mea­sure, the pan­dem­ic would seem to have shown that it could have some ben­e­fits. As such, UBI is now being giv­en seri­ous consideration.

New rep­re­sen­ta­tions

One of the most inter­est­ing effects of UBI comes from its capac­i­ty to bring out new rep­re­sen­ta­tions. For exam­ple, when its exor­bi­tant cost is men­tioned, its pro­mot­ers dis­cuss the con­sid­er­able cost of cur­rent social wel­fare schemes in devel­oped coun­tries. France holds the record with 32% of GDP, but for OECD mem­ber states, the aver­age is around 25%. Fur­ther­more, the com­plex­i­ty of social sys­tems goes hand in hand with con­sid­er­able man­age­ment costs so, by elim­i­nat­ing them, the intro­duc­tion of UBI could lead to savings.

Anoth­er exam­ple: when we think of the income gen­er­at­ed by work, we tend to relate our salary with the inten­si­ty of our efforts, our exper­tise, or the time we spend work­ing. The idea of UBI high­lights every­thing that is over­looked by this type of rep­re­sen­ta­tion. In a way, we are all heirs ben­e­fit­ting from the accu­mu­la­tion of inno­va­tions and efforts inher­it­ed from pre­vi­ous gen­er­a­tions. Strict­ly speak­ing, a large part of our income comes from this lega­cy. With this in mind, the share of our efforts, our tal­ent, or our per­son­al time, becomes minor. As such, the con­cept of UBI trans­lates into a col­lec­tive real­i­ty: we are all beneficiaries.

This cul­tur­al shift leads to a var­ied panora­ma of jus­ti­fi­ca­tions; three of which are pre­sent­ed here. The first is sim­plic­i­ty, in con­trast to the com­plex­i­ty of social wel­fare sys­tems built over time in devel­oped coun­tries. Hence, its straight­for­ward­ness is asso­ci­at­ed with a bet­ter overview of a sys­tem that would allow states to reduce man­age­ment costs and regain con­trol of vast social wel­fare sys­tems. The sec­ond is the idea of jus­tice. Much like the “flat tax” which puts every­one on an equal foot­ing in terms of tax­a­tion, the con­cept of a uni­ver­sal allowance has the advan­tage of clos­ing the end­less debates on the rights and mer­its of dif­fer­ent cat­e­gories of ben­e­fi­cia­ries. Final­ly, the third is effi­ca­cy. The fact is that due to sev­er­al fac­tors (poor knowl­edge of the sys­tem, illit­er­a­cy, social stig­ma), many peo­ple eli­gi­ble for cur­rent wel­fare sup­port slip through the cracks and do not ask for social ben­e­fits they are enti­tled to. Fur­ther­more, despite enor­mous social expen­di­ture, pover­ty has not dis­ap­peared from wealthy nations mean­ing that social wel­fare schemes are not nec­es­sar­i­ly com­plete­ly successful.

A con­tro­ver­sial proposal

How­ev­er, crit­i­cism is just as pow­er­ful in the face of these jus­ti­fi­ca­tions. Jus­tice, espe­cial­ly, is both well and poor­ly served by the con­cept of UBI. The idea of cor­rect­ly com­pen­sat­ing effort or work, and pro­mot­ing tal­ent is cen­tral in our soci­eties and feeds a cer­tain notion of jus­tice. There is fear that they would be under­mined by estab­lish­ing a UBI. From an eco­nom­i­cal point of view, the cen­tral argu­ment is the incen­tive to work. Today, many pro­fes­sions are only guar­an­teed because of the way they are paid. Estab­lish­ing UBI in its more ambi­tious ver­sion (€1,000–2,000 per month in devel­oped coun­tries, depend­ing on the ver­sion) might make these jobs less attrac­tive, and sig­nif­i­cant­ly increase the cost of oth­er pro­fes­sions – poten­tial­ly desta­bil­is­ing the whole econ­o­my. A third objec­tion, on a nation­al scale, is that the deci­sion to intro­duce a sig­nif­i­cant UBI would have dis­rup­tive effects in terms of immi­gra­tion. Yet, it should be said that this is the rea­son why some advo­cates even sug­gest to imme­di­ate­ly imple­ment it at a glob­al scale, which opens the debate to fur­ther unsolved issues con­cern­ing the uneven lev­el of devel­op­ment in dif­fer­ent coun­tries around the world. The con­cept of UBI gives rise to both sig­nif­i­cant objec­tions and sub­stan­tial jus­ti­fi­ca­tions in its favour. Today, this idea offers two key ben­e­fits. First, its seri­ous­ly dis­rup­tive nature, both in the sense of dis­turb­ing and inno­vat­ing, makes it pos­si­ble to revi­talise reflec­tions on social mod­els, explore new angles and refresh rep­re­sen­ta­tions. Sec­ond, because it is linked to very dif­fer­ent polit­i­cal or intel­lec­tu­al visions, it pro­vides a space for debate on ques­tions which have remained closed, or even blocked, for a long time. The con­cept of UBI is there­fore a prospec­tive tool. It enables us to explore pos­si­ble devel­op­ments in the world of tomor­row; on a more devel­oped plan­et, with more robot­ics, in which the ques­tion of human labour becomes key – and to take a fresh look at the world we live in.

Contributors

Richard Robert

Richard Robert

Journalist and Author

Richard Robert is editorial director of Telos and conducts forward-looking research as part of the Observatoire du long terme (Long-Term Observatory) and the Institut de prospective CentraleSupélec Alumni (CentraleSupélec Alumni Institute for Forward-Looking Studies). From 2012 to 2018, he was editor-in-chief of the Paris Innovation Review. His latest books include: Le Social et le Politique (The Social and the Political), with Guy Groux and Martial Foucault, CNRS Éditions, 2020; La Valse européenne (The European Waltz), with Elie Cohen, Fayard, 2021; Une brève histoire du droit d’auteur (A Brief History of Copyright), with Jean-Baptiste Rendu, Flammarion, 2024; Les Nouvelles Dimensions du partage de la valeur (The New Dimensions of Value Sharing), with Erell Thevenon-Poullennec, PUF, 2024; Les Imaginaires sociaux des smart cities (The Social Imaginaries of Smart Cities), Presses des Mines, 2025. Forthcoming: Sauver la démocratie sociale (Saving Social Democracy), with Gilbert Cette and Guy Groux, Calmann-Lévy, coll. ‘Liberté de l'esprit’ (Freedom of Thought), 2026.

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