1_utopieDisruption
π Economics
Has the pandemic revived debate over universal basic income?

Universal basic income : utopia or a fuss over nothing ?

with Richard Robert, Journalist and Author
On October 13th, 2021 |
4min reading time
Key takeaways
  • Formalised in the 1980s, the idea of a “universal basic income” has long remained marginal, even utopian.
  • But recently, Kenya, India and Finland launched experiments, Switzerland organised a referendum and, in 2020, the United States distributed $1,200 per person to help households cope with the pandemic.
  • Advocates say it is simple, fair, and effective, referring to the fact that despite the huge sums spent on ‘social’ poverty has not disappeared from rich countries.
  • However, critics complain about how it would remove the incentive to work, making some jobs less attractive and others much more expensive.
  • The idea of a minimum universal income thus raises objections as serious as the justifications that support it.

The Covid-19 pan­de­mic would seem to have revi­ved the debate around Uni­ver­sal Basic Income (UBI), even though prior to that it had remai­ned mar­gi­nal. It is an inter­es­ting concept in the fact that it exists in nume­rous forms, and new ver­sions or inter­pre­ta­tions can arise. Faced with strong objec­tions on one side and sub­stan­tial sup­port on the other, it remains a conten­tious idea. Never­the­less, as a dis­rup­tive inno­va­tion, UBI is taken serious­ly in poli­ti­cal debate and consti­tutes a use­ful pros­pec­tive tool to ima­gine a dif­ferent future – but also to bet­ter unders­tand the present.

A break from utopia ?

The idea of a “citizen’s basic income” or a “uni­ver­sal basic income” (UBI) first appea­red during the Great Depres­sion and was later for­ma­li­sed in the 1980s. Although, though it remai­ned a mar­gi­nal, even uto­pian, idea for a long time. Aside from Alas­ka, which intro­du­ced UBI to redis­tri­bute oil reve­nue, poli­cy­ma­kers and popu­la­tions have not see­med so inter­es­ted in the concept. But recent­ly, in only a mat­ter of years, its appli­ca­tion has been acce­le­ra­ted in various coun­tries inclu­ding Kenya, India and Fin­land which have all laun­ched expe­ri­ments ; or Swit­zer­land which held a refe­ren­dum on the ques­tion, even if the popu­la­tion voted against it.

Sur­pri­sin­gly, it is in the Uni­ted States, faced with the pan­de­mic in 2020, that the most power­ful UBI ini­tia­tive was put into place. Eve­ry hou­se­hold recei­ved a pay­ment of $1,200 per per­son. But what was it ? A heli­cop­ter money poli­cy, for­mer­ly advo­ca­ted by Mil­ton Fried­man ? A social poli­cy to com­pen­sate for the weak­ness of the Ame­ri­can wel­fare state ? A poli­cy to sti­mu­late consu­mers to spend ? The mere fact that we ask these ques­tions high­lights the dif­ferent assets of a concept like UBI that is dif­fi­cult to fit in tra­di­tio­nal categories.

The dis­rup­tive nature of UBI is also empha­si­sed by the asto­ni­shing varie­ty of intel­lec­tual and poli­ti­cal groups that defend it. On the sur­face, it is a concept desi­gned for its sim­pli­ci­ty, but the neces­si­ty of such a sys­tem has been contro­ver­sial. By momen­ta­ri­ly shat­te­ring the issue of cost sur­roun­ding such a mea­sure, the pan­de­mic would seem to have shown that it could have some bene­fits. As such, UBI is now being given serious consideration.

New repre­sen­ta­tions

One of the most inter­es­ting effects of UBI comes from its capa­ci­ty to bring out new repre­sen­ta­tions. For example, when its exor­bi­tant cost is men­tio­ned, its pro­mo­ters dis­cuss the consi­de­rable cost of cur­rent social wel­fare schemes in deve­lo­ped coun­tries. France holds the record with 32% of GDP, but for OECD mem­ber states, the ave­rage is around 25%. Fur­ther­more, the com­plexi­ty of social sys­tems goes hand in hand with consi­de­rable mana­ge­ment costs so, by eli­mi­na­ting them, the intro­duc­tion of UBI could lead to savings.

Ano­ther example : when we think of the income gene­ra­ted by work, we tend to relate our sala­ry with the inten­si­ty of our efforts, our exper­tise, or the time we spend wor­king. The idea of UBI high­lights eve­ry­thing that is over­loo­ked by this type of repre­sen­ta­tion. In a way, we are all heirs bene­fit­ting from the accu­mu­la­tion of inno­va­tions and efforts inhe­ri­ted from pre­vious gene­ra­tions. Strict­ly spea­king, a large part of our income comes from this lega­cy. With this in mind, the share of our efforts, our talent, or our per­so­nal time, becomes minor. As such, the concept of UBI trans­lates into a col­lec­tive rea­li­ty : we are all beneficiaries.

This cultu­ral shift leads to a varied pano­ra­ma of jus­ti­fi­ca­tions ; three of which are pre­sen­ted here. The first is sim­pli­ci­ty, in contrast to the com­plexi­ty of social wel­fare sys­tems built over time in deve­lo­ped coun­tries. Hence, its straight­for­ward­ness is asso­cia­ted with a bet­ter over­view of a sys­tem that would allow states to reduce mana­ge­ment costs and regain control of vast social wel­fare sys­tems. The second is the idea of jus­tice. Much like the “flat tax” which puts eve­ryone on an equal foo­ting in terms of taxa­tion, the concept of a uni­ver­sal allo­wance has the advan­tage of clo­sing the end­less debates on the rights and merits of dif­ferent cate­go­ries of bene­fi­cia­ries. Final­ly, the third is effi­ca­cy. The fact is that due to seve­ral fac­tors (poor know­ledge of the sys­tem, illi­te­ra­cy, social stig­ma), many people eli­gible for cur­rent wel­fare sup­port slip through the cracks and do not ask for social bene­fits they are entit­led to. Fur­ther­more, des­pite enor­mous social expen­di­ture, pover­ty has not disap­pea­red from weal­thy nations mea­ning that social wel­fare schemes are not neces­sa­ri­ly com­ple­te­ly successful.

A contro­ver­sial proposal

Howe­ver, cri­ti­cism is just as power­ful in the face of these jus­ti­fi­ca­tions. Jus­tice, espe­cial­ly, is both well and poor­ly ser­ved by the concept of UBI. The idea of cor­rect­ly com­pen­sa­ting effort or work, and pro­mo­ting talent is cen­tral in our socie­ties and feeds a cer­tain notion of jus­tice. There is fear that they would be under­mi­ned by esta­bli­shing a UBI. From an eco­no­mi­cal point of view, the cen­tral argu­ment is the incen­tive to work. Today, many pro­fes­sions are only gua­ran­teed because of the way they are paid. Esta­bli­shing UBI in its more ambi­tious ver­sion (€1,000–2,000 per month in deve­lo­ped coun­tries, depen­ding on the ver­sion) might make these jobs less attrac­tive, and signi­fi­cant­ly increase the cost of other pro­fes­sions – poten­tial­ly des­ta­bi­li­sing the whole eco­no­my. A third objec­tion, on a natio­nal scale, is that the deci­sion to intro­duce a signi­fi­cant UBI would have dis­rup­tive effects in terms of immi­gra­tion. Yet, it should be said that this is the rea­son why some advo­cates even sug­gest to imme­dia­te­ly imple­ment it at a glo­bal scale, which opens the debate to fur­ther unsol­ved issues concer­ning the une­ven level of deve­lop­ment in dif­ferent coun­tries around the world. The concept of UBI gives rise to both signi­fi­cant objec­tions and sub­stan­tial jus­ti­fi­ca­tions in its favour. Today, this idea offers two key bene­fits. First, its serious­ly dis­rup­tive nature, both in the sense of dis­tur­bing and inno­va­ting, makes it pos­sible to revi­ta­lise reflec­tions on social models, explore new angles and refresh repre­sen­ta­tions. Second, because it is lin­ked to very dif­ferent poli­ti­cal or intel­lec­tual visions, it pro­vides a space for debate on ques­tions which have remai­ned clo­sed, or even blo­cked, for a long time. The concept of UBI is the­re­fore a pros­pec­tive tool. It enables us to explore pos­sible deve­lop­ments in the world of tomor­row ; on a more deve­lo­ped pla­net, with more robo­tics, in which the ques­tion of human labour becomes key – and to take a fresh look at the world we live in.

Contributors

Richard Robert

Richard Robert

Journalist and Author

Richard Robert is editorial director of Telos and conducts forward-looking research as part of the Observatoire du long terme (Long-Term Observatory) and the Institut de prospective CentraleSupélec Alumni (CentraleSupélec Alumni Institute for Forward-Looking Studies). From 2012 to 2018, he was editor-in-chief of the Paris Innovation Review. His latest books include: Le Social et le Politique (The Social and the Political), with Guy Groux and Martial Foucault, CNRS Éditions, 2020; La Valse européenne (The European Waltz), with Elie Cohen, Fayard, 2021; Une brève histoire du droit d’auteur (A Brief History of Copyright), with Jean-Baptiste Rendu, Flammarion, 2024; Les Nouvelles Dimensions du partage de la valeur (The New Dimensions of Value Sharing), with Erell Thevenon-Poullennec, PUF, 2024; Les Imaginaires sociaux des smart cities (The Social Imaginaries of Smart Cities), Presses des Mines, 2025. Forthcoming: Sauver la démocratie sociale (Saving Social Democracy), with Gilbert Cette and Guy Groux, Calmann-Lévy, coll. ‘Liberté de l'esprit’ (Freedom of Thought), 2026.

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