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Tariffs : should the EU respond before 9th July ?

Isabelle Méjean
Isabelle Méjean
Professor of Economics at Sciences Po
Key takeaways
  • Since 9th April 2025, the United States has suspended reciprocal customs duties imposed on a large number of its trading partners.
  • On 9th July 2025, this temporary freeze on tariffs will come to an end, and what happens next remains uncertain for international trade.
  • Only the biggest players on the world trade market, the European Union and China, are in a position to fight back effectively against the United States.
  • The anti-coercion instrument is of interest to the EU because it provides a legal basis for applying retaliatory measures penalising the export of American services to Europe.
  • A major challenge for the EU in the current trade war is to preserve the achievements of economic multilateralism.

“Since 2nd April 2025, Donald Trump has tur­ned the whole orga­ni­sa­tion of value chains upside down,” explai­ned Chris­tian Deblock in an article for Poly­tech­nique Insights, shed­ding light on the recent uphea­vals lin­ked to tariff hikes. On that date, the Uni­ted States impo­sed uni­ver­sal cus­toms duties of 10% on its tra­ding part­ners and reci­pro­cal tariffs on many of them. On 9th April, the fede­ral govern­ment went one step fur­ther by impo­sing new sur­charges on pro­ducts from some six­ty coun­tries around the world. Then, on the same day, Donald Trump decla­red the sus­pen­sion of reci­pro­cal tariffs for 90 days, until 9th July 2025. In the mean­time, an addi­tio­nal cus­toms duty of 10% will apply to Euro­pean Union imports ente­ring the Uni­ted States. As the 9th July dead­line approaches, Isa­belle Méjean, pro­fes­sor of eco­no­mics at Sciences Po, agreed to ans­wer our ques­tions on the issues rai­sed by this glo­bal trade war.

Trump’s trade ultimatum to the European Union ends on 9th July. What should the European Union do ? What role can business and government play in the tariff war ?

Isa­belle Méjean. We have ente­red Donald Trump’s second term and the second phase of a trade war that began in 2018–2019. During the first term of the cur­rent US Pre­sident, tariff attacks were main­ly direc­ted at Chi­na. Howe­ver, the Uni­ted States was alrea­dy impo­sing tariffs on all coun­tries, par­ti­cu­lar­ly on steel and alu­mi­nium. So, it’s nothing new for the Euro­pean Com­mis­sion to have to deve­lop a stra­te­gy for reta­lia­ting against tariffs. 

Howe­ver, the situa­tion has acce­le­ra­ted signi­fi­cant­ly since 2nd April. And since 9th April 2025, eve­ry coun­try in the world has been facing a 10% tariff on their exports of goods to the Uni­ted States. These tariffs are accom­pa­nied by the threat of addi­tio­nal ‘reci­pro­cal tariffs’ on all coun­tries with a trade sur­plus with the Uni­ted States, such as the Euro­pean Union, which exports more goods to the Uni­ted States than it imports. The reci­pro­cal tariffs are cur­rent­ly fro­zen until 9th July, and the grea­test uncer­tain­ty today concerns what will hap­pen after that fate­ful date.

To deal with these reci­pro­cal tariffs, the Euro­pean Com­mis­sion has been pre­pa­ring a res­ponse stra­te­gy since April, taking a num­ber of variables into account. First­ly, a trade war is never desi­rable because it is cost­ly for eve­ryone. Second­ly, only the big­gest players can real­ly fight back : the Euro­pean Union and Chi­na. Unfor­tu­na­te­ly, coun­tries such as Viet­nam and Thai­land are for­ced to conclude very disad­van­ta­geous deals because they do not have the mar­ket power of an eco­no­my like that of the Euro­pean Union.

Chi­na, for example, has reac­ted very qui­ck­ly to the US tariffs since April. Thanks to the size of its mar­ket and the scale of its exports, the Euro­pean Union also has the capa­ci­ty to imple­ment a rea­lis­tic res­ponse stra­te­gy. It is the­re­fore pre­pa­ring the ground for this res­ponse stra­te­gy while conti­nuing to nego­tiate, which is com­pli­ca­ted because ins­ti­tu­tions such as the Euro­pean Com­mis­sion or the French Trea­su­ry rea­lise that there is no inter­lo­cu­tor in Washing­ton today. And even if the Euro­pean Union is theo­re­ti­cal­ly capable of nego­tia­ting a win-win deal with the Uni­ted States, this lack of inter­lo­cu­tors sug­gests that the Euro­pean Union will have to intro­duce reta­lia­to­ry measures.

Why is the European Union, which is a major trading power accounting for around 30% of world trade, behaving as if it were afraid ?

Today, the struc­ture of world trade is built around a tri­par­tite bloc. Three major tra­ding blocs domi­nate the world : Chi­na, the Euro­pean Union and the Uni­ted States. By com­pa­ri­son, the other coun­tries of the world have lit­tle impact on the inter­na­tio­nal tra­ding sys­tem. Of these three blocks, the Euro­pean Union is in a rela­ti­ve­ly favou­rable posi­tion because it pro­duces more manu­fac­tu­red goods than it consumes. It the­re­fore has a trade sur­plus with the rest of the world, par­ti­cu­lar­ly the Uni­ted States. For this rea­son, as we have seen, it is sub­ject to the threat of reci­pro­cal Ame­ri­can tariffs.

Des­pite their consi­de­rable nego­tia­ting power in inter­na­tio­nal trade, Chi­na and the Euro­pean Union are not adop­ting the same kind of stra­te­gy today. For its part, Chi­na reac­ted qui­ck­ly and stron­gly, having alrea­dy won a tug of war with the Uni­ted States – even if the word ‘win’ should be taken with cau­tion here because tariffs on Chi­nese pro­ducts in the Uni­ted States are cur­rent­ly around 50%, which is still very high. They were 2.2% on ave­rage at the start of the 2018 trade war and 19.3% at the start of Donald Trump’s second term. 

On the contra­ry, the Euro­pean Union’s stra­te­gy is built on a long-term plan and on diplo­ma­cy. In a trade war, this slow­ness can be a strength. But we must also avoid it appea­ring as a sign of weak­ness. In my opi­nion, the Euro­pean Union should have announ­ced its stra­te­gy before 9th July, because there was an advan­tage in announ­cing the risks of pos­sible reta­lia­tion against the Uni­ted States. Howe­ver, making such a choice is dif­fi­cult and time-consu­ming because many Euro­pean reta­lia­tion tools can­not be acti­va­ted without the prior agree­ment of a qua­li­fied majo­ri­ty of Mem­ber States.

You mentioned possible retaliation. When we think of ‘trade’, we often think of ‘products’ but with the anti-coercion instrument, the big battle could be fought on the terrain of services, particularly digital services. Can you tell us more about this instrument ?

The anti-coer­cion ins­tru­ment was intro­du­ced in 2023 and has never been used until now. It was ori­gi­nal­ly inten­ded to deal with coer­cion pro­blems with Chi­na, which has regu­lar­ly used eco­no­mic wea­pons for geo­po­li­ti­cal pur­poses over the last twen­ty years. To respond to coer­cive attacks, the Euro­pean Union has equip­ped itself with a legal ins­tru­ment. Today, it is pos­sible to inter­pret the cur­rent trade war as a form of coer­cive mea­sure, and to use this legal ins­tru­ment as a basis for reta­lia­tion at Euro­pean level.

But why are we cur­rent­ly tal­king so much about the anti-coer­cion ins­tru­ment ? As we have alrea­dy men­tio­ned, the Euro­pean Union has a goods sur­plus with the Uni­ted States. Howe­ver, it also has a defi­cit on its ser­vices balance. Europe imports far more Ame­ri­can ser­vices than it exports. So, it’s not sur­pri­sing that all Donald Trump’s reta­lia­to­ry mea­sures are cal­cu­la­ted sole­ly on the balance of goods, and not on the balance of ser­vices. By inclu­ding ser­vices in inter­na­tio­nal trade, the situa­tion is part­ly reversed. 

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Today, Europe is being atta­cked on its com­pa­ra­tive advan­tage : the balance of goods, with threats of tariffs on goods. In res­ponse, it has a range of tools at its dis­po­sal to reta­liate against the Uni­ted States on goods, because Europe also imports manu­fac­tu­red goods from the Uni­ted States, which could be taxed. Howe­ver, Europe is also hea­vi­ly dependent on ser­vices expor­ted from the US. This is why many eco­no­mists and ins­ti­tu­tio­nal mem­bers of the Euro­pean Com­mis­sion believe that reta­lia­to­ry mea­sures on ser­vices should not be ruled out. This is a very impor­tant cost lever for the Uni­ted States.

We don’t usual­ly talk about this because, unlike in the case of goods, we have no tra­di­tio­nal trade poli­cy ins­tru­ment for ser­vices, which are pro­du­ced and sold direct­ly on natio­nal ter­ri­to­ry. It is pre­ci­se­ly in this res­pect that the anti-coer­cion ins­tru­ment is inter­es­ting, as it offers a legal basis for poten­tial­ly imple­men­ting reta­lia­to­ry mea­sures that pena­lise main­ly Ame­ri­can ser­vice com­pa­nies in Europe. 

This legal pos­si­bi­li­ty is the­re­fore being dis­cus­sed today, and to prevent ser­vices from being taxed would be a stra­te­gic error from the Euro­pean point of view, even if the ins­tru­ment has never been used to date and can only be used with the agree­ment of a qua­li­fied majo­ri­ty. Howe­ver, there is some reluc­tance to use it in the event of a trade war, as it could gene­rate even more ten­sion. Some reluc­tant Mem­ber States, for example, des­cribe it as a ‘wea­pon of mass destruction’. 

Added to this is the fact that we in Europe are very vul­ne­rable when it comes to ser­vices. The Uni­ted States holds near-mono­po­ly posi­tions in the cloud and in IT ser­vices, seg­ments in which we have no alter­na­tive except to join forces with Chi­nese com­pa­nies, which ulti­ma­te­ly raises the same pro­blems of depen­dence. Howe­ver, we must not for­get that this ins­tru­ment is a legal basis for taxing cer­tain com­pa­nies in an excep­tio­nal way by tar­ge­ting them. There is still an infi­nite range of pos­sible choices, more or less cost­ly, to be made from this instrument.

Is it time for the European Union to ally itself with China against the United States, which is in the process of betraying the commitments it has long made ?

These dif­fe­rences with the Uni­ted States do not make Chi­na a friend of Europe, because the Chi­nese regime has never been com­ple­te­ly ali­gned with Euro­pean inter­na­tio­nal doc­trine. Howe­ver, Chi­na remains a pri­vi­le­ged tra­ding part­ner for Europe.

But there is ano­ther ques­tion : what is the future of the WTO and to what extent should Europe conti­nue to be the dri­ving force behind mul­ti­la­te­ra­lism ? If Europe does not want to give up, then it has no choice but to conti­nue to move for­ward with the rest of the world, which includes China. 

Even if Chi­na has always been a somew­hat mar­gi­nal player in the World Trade Orga­ni­sa­tion (WTO), mul­ti­la­te­ra­lism has immense advan­tages. It has been effec­tive in main­tai­ning and redu­cing trade bar­riers, but also in dis­se­mi­na­ting envi­ron­men­tal stan­dards on an inter­na­tio­nal scale. Yet Chi­na’s reta­lia­tion against the US tariffs has so far been based on argu­ments that com­ply with WTO rules. Chi­na is the­re­fore sen­ding out a signal that it wishes to conti­nue to play the mul­ti­la­te­ral game, which is also Euro­pe’s choice. In the past, the alter­na­tive of a world trade sys­tem based on bila­te­ral nego­tia­tions has alrea­dy been tes­ted and has pro­ved to be much less effective.

To be conti­nued on 9th July…

Interview by Lucille Caliman

1Cre­dits : Mike Dot – stock​.adobe​.com

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