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Will the pandemic trap economies in secular stagnation?

Marie-Hélène Duprat
Marie-Hélène Duprat
Senior Advisor to the Chief Economist at Société Générale

[This art­icle is a sum­mary of an in-depth ana­lys­is pub­lished at vari​ances​.eu, for the ori­gin­al art­icle click here]

It is a rare event: in 2020, eco­nom­ic activ­ity in the developed world fell by 5.3%. As such, the Cov­id-19 crisis could trap eco­nom­ies in “sec­u­lar stag­na­tion”, a pro­longed peri­od of slug­gish growth. Three factors sup­port this hypo­thes­is: a decline in poten­tial out­put, changes in house­hold and busi­ness beha­viour, and the accel­er­a­tion of the digit­al trans­ition, which is a major factor in inequality.

His­tory shows that deep reces­sions often have last­ing con­sequences on the main mac­roe­co­nom­ic vari­ables (GDP, pro­ductiv­ity, unem­ploy­ment), even after the ini­tial shock has fully dis­sip­ated. This is known as “hys­ter­esis”: the phe­nomen­on that caused the crisis (in this case the pan­dem­ic) dis­ap­pears, but the crisis con­tin­ues in the long term. 

This hys­ter­esis effect will play a par­tic­u­larly import­ant role in the case of work­ers who have been thrown out of work by numer­ous bank­ruptcies. If the work­ing pop­u­la­tion has been spared the vir­us, which mainly affects older people, then mass redund­an­cies could res­ult in a loss of employ­ab­il­ity of work­ers, who would then struggle to find a job after the crisis. But the adverse effects will also affect phys­ic­al cap­it­al accu­mu­la­tion and productivity.

The effective lower bound on rates 

Many developed eco­nom­ies entered this crisis in a vul­ner­able state, with his­tor­ic­ally low interest rates and huge debt bur­dens. Since the subprime mort­gage crisis, cent­ral banks lowered policy rates to almost zero and resor­ted to uncon­ven­tion­al policies (not­ably quant­it­at­ive eas­ing). But this did not trans­late into a sat­is­fact­ory recov­ery in activity. 

The eco­nom­ic rebounds were mod­er­ate and tem­por­ary, while under­ly­ing infla­tion remained stub­bornly low, long-term interest rates con­tin­ued their down­ward trend, and stock mar­ket valu­ations rose. Over­all, mon­et­ary policy since 2008 has paved the way for the accu­mu­la­tion of fin­an­cial vul­ner­ab­il­it­ies – explod­ing lever­age, excess­ive risk-tak­ing, asset bubbles – without provid­ing a sus­tain­able boost to activ­ity. And the Cov­id-19 crisis threatens to accen­tu­ate this dynam­ic. The cent­ral banks are now cornered: it is impossible for them to con­tin­ue lower­ing their rates.

Source : Refin­it­iv (trans­la­tion: “Key rates for the main cent­ral banks”) 

The interest rate that cent­ral bankers seek to achieve is the ‘nat­ur­al’ interest rate – the the­or­et­ic­al real interest rate at which the eco­nomy is neither infla­tion­ary over­heat­ing nor defla­tion­ary depres­sion. It is estim­ated that this rate has fallen over the last few dec­ades to the point where it is close to zero, mak­ing con­ven­tion­al mon­et­ary policies inef­fect­ive. The explan­a­tion for this decline lies in the imbal­ance between too much sav­ing and too little investment. 

The cur­rent excess of sav­ings is partly due to the increase in inequal­it­ies – the mar­gin­al propensity to save of the most for­tu­nate being clearly high­er than that of the least for­tu­nate – but also to the efforts to reduce debt made since 2008, as well as to the age­ing pop­u­la­tion (older people hav­ing a great­er tend­ency to save in anti­cip­a­tion of their retire­ment). The fall in busi­ness invest­ment is, for its part, mainly a con­sequence of the weak­en­ing of growth poten­tial, syn­onym­ous with a decline in future real returns on investment. 

The sec­u­lar stag­na­tion hypo­thes­is assumes that cent­ral bank policy rates will remain so low that cent­ral banks will fre­quently be unable to reduce them suf­fi­ciently to com­bat reces­sions effect­ively. Con­strained by the effect­ive lower bound on rates, the eco­nomy can only move towards full employ­ment if gov­ern­ments increase the gov­ern­ment defi­cit or if mon­et­ary policy becomes highly expan­sion­ary, encour­aging the dis­tri­bu­tion of cred­it and the rise in asset prices that become the engine of growth. 

An eco­nomy suf­fer­ing from sec­u­lar stag­na­tion is not going to remain per­man­ently stag­nant. But the under­pin­nings of growth – the inflat­ing debt and asset price bubbles – increase the economy’s vul­ner­ab­il­ity to crises. Decline in activ­ity due to crises become stronger and longer than recov­er­ies, mech­an­ic­ally lower­ing aver­age GDP growth.

Risk aversion 

The Cov­id-19 crisis is likely to aggrav­ate the prob­lem of excess sav­ings. One reas­on for this is that “extreme” risk events – also known as “black swans” in the fin­an­cial sec­tor – often lead to a chal­lenge to old belief sys­tems. As eco­nom­ists have poin­ted out, “The greatest eco­nom­ic cost of the Cov­id-19 pan­dem­ic may be the res­ult of beha­vi­our­al changes that per­sist long after the imme­di­ate res­ol­u­tion of the health crisis 1.”

The seis­mic shock of the pan­dem­ic could res­ult in a struc­tur­al increase in risk aver­sion of firms and house­holds, lead­ing to a reduc­tion in their invest­ment and con­sump­tion spend­ing, in order to build up a lar­ger sav­ings cush­ion for future crises. A fall in con­sump­tion, which means few­er oppor­tun­it­ies for com­pan­ies, gen­er­ally res­ults in a fall in invest­ment. Moreover, the inclu­sion of epi­demi­olo­gic­al risk is likely to increase the risk premi­um required to jus­ti­fy cer­tain pro­duct­ive invest­ments, fur­ther curb­ing the accu­mu­la­tion of phys­ic­al capital. 

Increasing inequality and the digital revolution

Cov­id-19 could also con­trib­ute to sec­u­lar stag­na­tion by exacer­bat­ing socio-eco­nom­ic inequal­it­ies. The sec­tors most affected by the cur­rent crisis are those employ­ing an irreg­u­lar work­force (such as the hotel industry). But the expo­nen­tial devel­op­ment of the digit­al eco­nomy since the begin­ning of the pan­dem­ic is also a vec­tor of inequal­ity, for two main reas­ons: it favours highly qual­i­fied work­ers (this is known as « skill-biased tech­no­lo­gic­al change »), and leads to the robot­isa­tion of routine tasks, which were mainly car­ried out by low- or medi­um-skilled labour. 

How­ever, as the most afflu­ent are those with the highest propensity to save, the phe­nomen­on of excess private sav­ings at the ori­gin of the fall in the nat­ur­al rate of interest should become even worse.

Nev­er­the­less, sec­u­lar stag­na­tion is not an evil without a rem­edy: fisc­al policy has an import­ant role to play in its res­ol­u­tion, by absorb­ing excess private sav­ings via an increase in pub­lic defi­cits 2. Moreover, the digit­al trans­form­a­tion could res­ult, as some pre­dict, in a pro­ductiv­ity boom that would boost eco­nom­ic growth.

1Kozlowski, Juli­an, Laura Veldkamp et Ven­ky Ven­kateswaran, « Cica­trisa­tion du corps et de l’esprit : les effets à long ter­me de la COVID-19 sur la cica­trisa­tion des croy­ances », NBER Work­ing Paper Series, WP n° 27439, 2020
2Olivi­er Blan­chard et Lawrence Sum­mers, éd., Évolu­tion ou révolu­tion ? Repenser la poli­tique mac­roé­conomique après la Grande Réces­sion, MIT Press, 2019

Contributors

Marie-Hélène Duprat

Marie-Hélène Duprat

Senior Advisor to the Chief Economist at Société Générale

After starting her career as an economist at the French Institute of International Relations (IFRI), Marie-Hélène Duprat worked as an economist at Crédit National (now Natixis), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. She has held various positions within the Société Générale Group and holds a PhD in economics from the University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne and is a graduate of Sciences Po Paris. Marie-Hélène has also been a visiting scholar at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT).

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