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Mistrust of science or distrust in democracy?

Luc Rouban
Luc Rouban
CNRS Research director at Cevipof
Key takeaways
  • 82% of French people trust science, according to the Political Trust Barometer published in January 2022.
  • However, this figure drops to 68% when it comes to scientific experts advising the government, and to 42% for the government alone.
  • According to the conclusions of these results published by SciencesPo, distrust of science is mainly due to citizens’ distrust of political institutions.
  • This mistrust is particularly prevalent among voters of populist parties. 66% of the voters of the Rassemblement National surveyed, for example, believe that “common sense is often more useful than scientific knowledge”.

Science has retained its credibility…

The Centre de recherches poli­tiques de Sci­ences Po (CEVIPOF) has been run­ning the Polit­ic­al Trust Baro­met­er, since 2009. This aca­dem­ic sur­vey exam­ines trust as a socio-polit­ic­al issue. It is used to assess con­fid­ence of the pub­lic in polit­ic­al and social insti­tu­tions – such as sci­ence – par­tic­u­larly in the con­text of the Cov­id-19 out­break. The rela­tion­ship between sci­ence and polit­ics, in the broad sense, helps us to ques­tion pub­lic opin­ion through the lens of social struc­tures, cul­tur­al rep­res­ent­a­tions or polit­ic­al anthropology.

Sci­ence is a social insti­tu­tion, just like fam­ily, edu­ca­tion, the law or the mil­it­ary. But, in France, it is also linked to repub­lic­an­ism. The idea of the Repub­lic rests on a pos­it­iv­ist philo­sophy, mean­ing a world of pub­lic action and polit­ic­al debate steeped in sci­ence. The aim is to lead a reasoned debate, on the basis of exper­i­ment­a­tion or, at the very least, sci­entif­ic reas­on­ing. Due to this approach, the French Repub­lic dif­fers from oth­er demo­crat­ic regimes, such as the US demo­cracy, which revolves more around com­munity val­ues. The French Repub­lic is inten­ded to be uni­ver­sal in nature, and to that end it draws on sci­entif­ic ration­al­ity. There­fore, the issue of sci­ence is fundamental. 

The health crisis illus­trated this fact very well. Sci­entif­ic dis­course is borne by dif­fer­ent act­ors: sci­ent­ists, experts who pass on sci­entif­ic know­ledge in a reg­u­lat­ory and polit­ic­al con­text, sci­ence com­mu­nic­at­ors and broad­casters (social net­works, news chan­nels). It also involves dif­fer­ent sources of inform­a­tion, includ­ing stat­ist­ic­al indic­at­ors provided by the gov­ern­ment, sci­entif­ic pub­lic­a­tions, and oth­er sci­entif­ic content.

…except when it is associated with power

The latest waves1 of the Baro­met­er show that pure sci­ence remains a very trust­worthy insti­tu­tion, with a glob­al trust rate of 82%, second only to hos­pit­als (83%) and before the mil­it­ary (76%) or the police (72%). How­ever, when you get into spe­cif­ics it appears that the more a sci­entif­ic insti­tu­tion gets closer to the gov­ern­ment the more trust declines. For sources of inform­a­tion on the health situ­ation, trust placed in doc­tors is 91%. It decreases to 68% for sci­entif­ic experts advising the gov­ern­ment and drops to 42% for the gov­ern­ment alone2

Sci­entif­ic activ­it­ies are tain­ted by the feel­ing of mis­trust towards the gov­ern­ment. Lack of con­fid­ence in the offi­cial mes­sage also affects experts and offi­cial stat­ist­ics. A demo­crat­ic mal­aise leads to scep­ti­cism towards any speech related to the Cov­id-19 out­break, includ­ing its evol­u­tion, pre­vent­ive meas­ures, or vac­cin­a­tion policy. 

In France, demo­crat­ic mal­aise is rooted in the rise of pop­u­lism, mean­ing the oppos­i­tion between people and elites, the lat­ter includ­ing sci­ent­ists. There is mis­trust in author­it­at­ive speech. But pop­u­lism is not homo­gen­ous, right-wing pop­u­lism is not the same as left-wing pop­u­lism. If mis­trust in sci­ence increases with pop­u­lism (only 36% of pop­u­lists strongly sup­por­ted sci­ence in 2020), its reas­ons are rooted in the polit­ic­al side.

Left-wing pop­u­lism is par­tic­u­larly observed in people close to the polit­ic­al party France Insou­mise, for example. They claim to be anti-estab­lish­ment, express anti-gov­ern­ment opin­ions, but value sci­ence and are in favour of edu­ca­tion and research. Trust issues arise when sci­ence is inter­twined with private interests or when it is used to design dubi­ous or sus­pi­cious tech­no­lo­gies. From their point of view sci­ence is tain­ted by private interest and corruption.

Right-wing pop­u­lism mostly involves voters from the Rassemble­ment Nation­al. This polit­ic­al party is also asso­ci­ated with a rejec­tion of elites and gov­ern­ment­al insti­tu­tions. But mis­trust in sci­ence is based more on affect, com­mon sense or tra­di­tion. Thus, 66% of respond­ents estim­ated that “com­mon sense is often more use­ful than sci­entif­ic know­ledge”. Abstrac­tion, sci­entif­ic reas­on­ing and ration­al debate are thus a source of dis­trust. We observe, for example, that stat­ist­ic­al reas­on­ing is rejec­ted and replaced by the per­cep­tion of imme­di­ate real­ity or chance. Sci­ence is con­sidered to be an insti­tu­tion fab­ric­ated by “sav­ants”, which leads to an arti­fi­cial social divide.

The health crisis did not change this obser­va­tion. The com­par­is­on between stud­ies of 2018 and 2020 shows that demo­crat­ic mal­aise has been trans­posed to the field of health. The Cov­id-19 crisis merely con­firms, or even amp­li­fies, the frac­ture between those who adhere to sci­entif­ic ration­al­ity and those who reject it. And this phe­nomen­on seems to feed con­spir­acy theories.

Fur­ther­more, the pre­vi­ous wave of the Baro­met­er shows that even the decrease in vac­cine hes­it­ancy is not linked to changes regard­ing trust in insti­tu­tions. The wider accept­ance of the vac­cine – which now cov­ers 65% of par­ti­cipants – is only motiv­ated by the wish to return to a nor­mal life (the first answer for 45% of respond­ents favour­able to vac­cin­a­tion). The pop­u­lar cat­egor­ies believe that they are “pro­tect­ing them­selves” where­as upper classes feel that they are “pro­tect­ing others”.

How­ever, the gov­ern­ment is unable to cap­it­al­ise on the rel­at­ive suc­cess of its vac­cin­a­tion strategy. The mis­trust in polit­ic­al decisions is deep, regard­less of accom­plish­ments. Mis­trust is spin­ning and this casts doubt on all the eval­u­ation mech­an­isms of gov­ern­ment policies.

And this situ­ation is spe­cif­ic to France. Even though pop­u­lism also exists in Ger­many or in the United King­dom – coun­tries in which we led com­par­at­ive sur­veys – they are seek­ing more dir­ect actions from their cit­izens in order to improve rep­res­ent­at­ive demo­cracy. In France, they are a rejec­tion of the exist­ing polit­ic­al sys­tem. This situ­ation also explains the sig­ni­fic­ant amount of absten­tion, and the great­er sus­pi­cion towards sci­entif­ic expert­ise in France.

Interview by Agnès Vernet
1https://www.sciencespo.fr/cevipof/sites/sciencespo.fr.cevipof/files/BONNE%20VERSION%20FINALE‑1.pdf
2https://www.sciencespo.fr/cevipof/sites/sciencespo.fr.cevipof/files/Barome%CC%80tre%20Vague%2012%20bis%201-%20VERSION%20FINALE%20(pour%20mise%20sur%20le%20site%20CEVIPOF).pdf

Contributors

Luc Rouban

Luc Rouban

CNRS Research director at Cevipof

Luc Rouban's work falls within the framework of political sociology and his research focuses more specifically on democracy, notably political and social elites. He recently published "La matière noire de la démocratie", Presses de Sciences Po, 2019 and "Quel avenir pour les maires?", La Documentation française, 2020.

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