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Covid-19 : decline in immigration will reinforce deterioration of our economy

Hippolyte D’Albis
Hippolyte d’Albis
CNRS Research Director and Professor at Paris School of Economics

In 2020, the num­ber of first-time resident visas issued in France (220,535) decrea­sed by 20.5% com­pa­red to 2019. Immi­gra­tion to re-join fami­ly remains the main rea­son for visas being gran­ted (75,245), although the total has decrea­sed by 16.9%. There are fewer forei­gn stu­dents (71,900, down 20.4%) and eco­no­mic immi­grants (26,950*) is the group most affec­ted by the Covid-19 cri­sis with a 31% decrease. What are the conse­quences of this downturn ?

If the down­turn reco­vers, the effects will be fair­ly limi­ted, par­ti­cu­lar­ly in com­pa­ri­son with other disas­ters cau­sed by the pan­de­mic. Howe­ver, if there are las­ting res­tric­tions on inter­na­tio­nal mobi­li­ty – due to health-rela­ted causes or a para­digm shift lea­ding to socie­ties clo­sing them­selves off – the effects will be very nega­tive for the eco­no­my. Our empi­ri­cal work with Ekrame Boub­tane and Dra­mane Cou­li­ba­ly shows that a fall in inter­na­tio­nal migra­tion reduces per capi­ta income, increases unem­ploy­ment, wor­sens the balance of public finances and contri­butes to the growth of cer­tain inequalities. 

When we break­down the rea­sons for admis­sion that you men­tion, it makes it pos­sible to cla­ri­fy this ove­rall ana­ly­sis. Half of the non-EU natio­nals ente­ring France each year are admit­ted so that they may join their fami­ly (spouses of French natio­nals or forei­gners). The decrease in this inward flow consti­tutes a loss of well-being for the hou­se­holds concer­ned and a breach of the right to live with one’s fami­ly. At the begin­ning of the cri­sis, there was a dif­fe­rence in treat­ment bet­ween French natio­nals abroad wishing to return to France and forei­gners wishing to join their fami­lies legal­ly resi­ding in France.

A quar­ter of non-EU natio­nals ente­ring France each year are admit­ted for stu­dy pur­poses. The decline in the num­ber of inter­na­tio­nal stu­dents repre­sents a reduc­tion in oppor­tu­ni­ties to acquire skills ; in addi­tion to the per­so­nal effects, this will have conse­quences for the deve­lop­ment of coun­tries in the South, whose youth will be less well trained.

Labour migra­tion is in the mino­ri­ty, accoun­ting for 10%. Never­the­less, it is essen­tial because it makes the labour mar­ket more fluid and fills jobs that would other­wise remain vacant. Immi­grants are over-repre­sen­ted in sec­tors that have dif­fi­cul­ty hiring such as construc­tion, cate­ring, per­so­nal care and ser­vices, secu­ri­ty guards and agri­cul­ture (which depends on forei­gn sea­so­nal wor­kers). We saw this in Spring, during the first lock­down, with the call to help far­mers in France. The eco­no­my is sim­ply less pro­duc­tive when these jobs are not filled.

Asses­sing the effects of immi­gra­tion should not be limi­ted to microe­co­no­mic approaches as there are many exter­na­li­ties involved.

From an eco­no­mic point of view, what can be said about the decline in the num­ber of people admit­ted as stu­dents or for fami­ly reasons ?

Even when not admit­ted for eco­no­mic rea­sons, immi­grants can contri­bute to the eco­no­my. In an article publi­shed in 2016 in the Annals of Eco­no­mics and Sta­tis­tics, we even sho­wed that people arri­ving for fami­ly rea­sons contri­bute more than others. This is explai­ned by the fact that they work, pay taxes and above all consume in France. The eva­lua­tion of the effects of immi­gra­tion should not be limi­ted to microe­co­no­mic approaches because much of the big­ger pic­ture is at stake. 

As far as stu­dents are concer­ned, some of them stay in France after their stu­dies and thus consti­tute the qua­li­fied immi­gra­tion that govern­ments want and that too many immi­gra­tion ana­lysts refuse to see, repea­ting tire­less­ly that immi­gra­tion to France is not qua­li­fied. The stakes are high : one stu­dy sho­wed that forei­gn stu­dents in the US were more like­ly than US stu­dents to file for a patent. In sup­port of these sta­tis­tics, there are many anec­dotes and without going back to Marie Curie, we can men­tion Özlem Türe­ci and Ugur Sahin (BioN­Te­ch’s mes­sen­ger RNA vac­cine) in Ger­ma­ny or Ser­gey Brin (Google) in the US.

Are there areas of com­pe­ti­tion for cer­tain jobs bet­ween French, Euro­peans and non-EU citizens ? 

There is com­pe­ti­tion for skills from non-EU coun­tries and EU coun­tries, espe­cial­ly Eas­tern Euro­pean coun­tries. Near­ly 80,000 people from EU coun­tries came to France in 2017 ; this is five times less than Ger­ma­ny and, rela­tive to the French wor­king popu­la­tion, these low flows are insuf­fi­cient to meet eco­no­mic needs. Indeed, France mas­si­ve­ly employs secon­ded wor­kers – more than 240,000 people in 2017, i.e. three times more than ten years ago – who do not come under the hea­ding of immi­gra­tion because they come in the context of a one-off mis­sion, but who gene­rate scan­da­lous social dum­ping. These unfilled needs of the French eco­no­my also reveal that the edu­ca­tio­nal offer in France does not ful­ly cor­res­pond to the coun­try’s needs. 

What are the conse­quences of Brexit on the UK eco­no­my and labour market ?

Immi­gra­tion to the UK has not decrea­sed in recent years, but it has increa­sed less than emi­gra­tion. The balance of the two has been fal­ling stea­di­ly since 2016. And as much as immi­gra­tion is good for a coun­try’s acti­vi­ty and employ­ment, emi­gra­tion has the oppo­site effect. This deve­lop­ment is the­re­fore reces­sio­na­ry for the UK. 

Interview by Clément Boulle

*The balance includes immi­gra­tion for huma­ni­ta­rian rea­sons (32,080, down 15.3%) and immi­gra­tion for other reaso

Contributors

Hippolyte D’Albis

Hippolyte d’Albis

CNRS Research Director and Professor at Paris School of Economics
Hippolyte d'Albis is a CNRS Research Director and Professor at the Paris School of Economics. He specialises in demographic economics and has worked on the economic consequences of population ageing and immigration. He is also the director of the Ecole des Hautes Études en Démographie and of the French National Transfer Accounts team. He is also associate editor of the Journal of Demographic Economics, the Journal of the Economics of Ageing and the Public Finance Review. He is a member of the Institut Universitaire de France and Co-President of the Cercle des Economistes

 

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