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Economics and the challenge of moral values

david thesmar
David Thesmar
Professor of Financial Economics, Sloan School of Management (MIT)
Key takeaways
  • The importance and plurality of moral values is a challenge for economics because they are very difficult to rationalise.
  • When morality is incorporated into economic models there is often a tendency to favour the “win-win” standpoint.
  • But defending our values can come at a high price, and we must admit that they often conflict with economic efficiency.
  • The reality of moral values also conflicts with the value system of economists, who consider that the world will be better when everyone maximises their pleasure and minimises their pain.
  • It is therefore in the interest of economics to better think about the confrontation between efficiency and values, and to draw on authors who have seen the world differently.

In the history of economic science, there was a moment, exemplified by Gary Becker (Nobel Prize winner in 1992), when economists began contributing their methods and solutions to new fields (the family, crime, the city). Your work seems to be part of a reverse movement, where economics is drawing on other disciplines for inspiration.

The tra­di­tion of inter­dis­cip­lin­ar­ity has exis­ted since Adam Smith, who was both a philo­soph­er and an eco­nom­ist. Part of eco­nom­ics has always been inter­ested in the con­nec­tion with soci­ology and philo­sophy. Yet, in the last twenty years, it is psy­cho­logy that has nour­ished our dis­cip­line, with the trend of beha­vi­our­al eco­nom­ics which attempts to use labor­at­ory exper­i­ments to study the appar­ently ‘non-ration­al’ beha­viour of agents. Our work is part of this inter­dis­cip­lin­ary tra­di­tion, which encom­passes Gary Becker’s work, but we have turned our atten­tion to an issue which, rather than a prom­ise of cross-fer­til­isa­tion, is a chal­lenge for our dis­cip­line: the import­ance of mor­al val­ues, and espe­cially their plur­al­ity with­in the population.

Why is this a chal­lenge? Because this plur­al­ity can­not be reduced to the ‘altru­ist­ic pref­er­ences’ which eco­nom­ists refer to. When we look at the plur­al­ity of val­ues, we come across phe­nom­ena that are much more dif­fi­cult to ration­al­ise. For example, people value free­dom for its own sake, without neces­sar­ily using it. Or they have a vari­able geo­metry altru­ism, which favours the group, the com­munity. Or, accord­ing to the psy­cho­lo­gist Jonath­an Haidt, pur­ity. There are also cul­tur­al or nation­al dif­fer­ences. For example, when presen­ted with options for reg­u­lat­ing traffic in the city centre, the French are more hos­tile to pay­ing tolls than the Amer­ic­ans and Ger­mans and are more in favour of redu­cing the num­ber of park­ing spaces. Behind these pref­er­ences, there are values.

Eco­nom­ic ana­lys­is struggles to take into account the plur­al­ity of these val­ues, even though eco­nom­ists know that it is not only effi­ciency that counts. They under­stand that human­ity is not just made up of ration­al cal­cu­lat­ors and that there is a form of altru­ism. But in the util­it­ari­an tra­di­tion of Jeremy Bentham, they see this altru­ism in an abstract and uni­ver­sal form. In oth­er words, eco­nom­ists them­selves have a par­tic­u­lar value sys­tem, yet they are temp­ted to pro­ject it onto the rest of the pop­u­la­tion. And the dif­fer­ences are very significant. 

What interests us are the val­ues that res­ist both pro­jec­tion and gen­er­al­isa­tion into col­lect­ive pref­er­ences. Those, in short, that can­not be reduced or absorbed by our dis­cip­line. For example, when asked about the altern­at­ive between a car­bon tax and envir­on­ment­al stand­ards for car man­u­fac­tur­ers, 92% of eco­nom­ists sup­port the car­bon tax, com­pared with only 22% of Amer­ic­ans. There is clearly a con­flict here between two forms of justice.

The title of your book, The Price of Our Values, suggests a meeting point, however: to resolve frictions, we could always agree on a price. Isn’t this the traditional approach to economics, which reduces everything to the market?

I would say that it is a ‘middle ground’ approach, even if poten­tially the price of our val­ues can be infin­ite (no com­prom­ise pos­sible). There is a tend­ency today to favour the “win-win” approach. Par­tic­u­larly in polit­ic­al debate where pro­pos­als involving val­ues are sup­posed to be eas­ily palp­able. For example, the energy trans­ition, driv­en by con­cern for future gen­er­a­tions, will pro­duce growth. Or again: the respons­ible com­pany sat­is­fies its con­sumers, investors, and employ­ees, so it is doing very well. But in many cases, defend­ing our val­ues can come at a high price, and rather than telling ourselves that all will be well in the best of all pos­sible worlds, we must admit that they are in con­flict with the eco­nomy. The dilem­mas posed by the inva­sion of Ukraine illus­trate this: are we pre­pared to turn down our heat to stop the war? And above all, to what extent?

So, this tension is not going to be resolved?

Not in the sense that everything would even­tu­ally fall into line. We men­tioned beha­vi­our­al eco­nom­ics above. This field explores the idea that people do not max­im­ise their mater­i­al well-being, that they make sys­tem­at­ic mis­takes (they extra­pol­ate past trends too much, lack self-dis­cip­line, etc.). But beha­vi­our­al eco­nom­ics deduces that people must be taught to optim­ise their lives bet­ter, or even forced to do so! How­ever, this ambi­tion is a very ques­tion­able philo­soph­ic­al pos­i­tion. It pro­motes the hedon­ist­ic way of life pro­moted in the 19th Cen­tury by the eco­nom­ist Jeremy Bentham with his ‘util­it­ari­an’ philo­sophy: the world will be a bet­ter place when every­one max­im­ises their pleas­ure and min­im­ises their pain. 

This is the value sys­tem that many eco­nom­ists apply to their ana­lyses. But there is no evid­ence that this is the value sys­tem of the people. A par­tic­u­larly glar­ing con­tra­dic­tion con­cerns free­dom: eco­nom­ists are lib­er­als in the sense that free­dom is an instru­ment for achiev­ing eco­nom­ic efficiency.

Beha­vi­our­al eco­nom­ics deduces that people must be taught to optim­ise their lives bet­ter, or even forced to do so.

People do not only have effi­ciency in mind, and they are will­ing to pay for it. We invest­ig­ated the fol­low­ing situ­ation: in order to sup­port a loc­al man­u­fac­turer and pre­serve 1,000 jobs, it is pro­posed to buy trams at a high­er cost by increas­ing the sub­scrip­tion price. Three groups, each with a dif­fer­ent price increase, are asked to rate the pro­ject (from 0 for com­plete dis­agree­ment to 10 for com­plete agree­ment). The aver­age score is 7.4 for the group sub­ject to a 5% increase, 6.6 for those sub­ject to a 10% increase and 6.1 for those sub­ject to a 50% increase. The value of solid­ar­ity with­stands even a sub­stan­tial increase. 

In the world of eco­nom­ists, the mar­ket with its free indi­vidu­als could be replaced by a com­puter cap­able of alloc­at­ing resources. On the con­trary, in real life the value of free­dom is strong, but it is also the free­dom to make ‘bad’ choices. And it is a free­dom in itself, dis­con­nec­ted from any idea of effi­ciency. In a word, it is a mor­al value.

This critical review of your discipline and its philosophical premises leads you to explore visions that are completely alien to the individualistic tradition with which economics is associated. For example, you refer to the father of sociology, Émile Durkheim.

Durkheim high­lights the exist­en­tial vacu­um into which indus­tri­al soci­ety plunges indi­vidu­als, because it pro­motes the max­im­isa­tion of indi­vidu­al interests to the det­ri­ment of the group. Durkheim believes that util­it­ari­an indi­vidu­al­ism is a ‘soci­olo­gic­al hell’: it chills hearts and causes des­pair. For eco­nom­ists like us, this is a very het­ero­dox thought, but an enlight­en­ing one. It helps us to meas­ure what res­ists our meth­ods. And the mor­al val­ues that are at the fore­front of his world­view are pre­cisely those that are least taken into account by our dis­cip­line. They help us to devel­op our research programme.

But the cent­ral chal­lenge remains to enrich eco­nom­ic think­ing. Even in its most tech­nic­al and spe­cial­ised aspects. My aca­dem­ic spe­ci­al­ity is fin­an­cial eco­nom­ics. There is a lot of talk about respons­ible invest­ment and socially respons­ible busi­ness. Of course, investors are primar­ily motiv­ated by profit, by return, but more and more, soci­et­al, or envir­on­ment­al con­cerns are becom­ing import­ant, to the point where they will end up erod­ing the pure logic of prof­it­ab­il­ity. It is a fas­cin­at­ing subject.

Eco­nom­ic thought has everything to gain from con­sid­er­ing this con­front­a­tion between effi­ciency and val­ues. This will enable it to bet­ter inform polit­ic­al debates. We start from the prin­ciple that people should be asked what they think, in a ser­i­ous man­ner, so as to reveal ten­sions and bring out con­tra­dic­tions. But if people are will­ing to pay a lot of money to reduce pol­lu­tion, to take con­trol of their com­munity (through decent­ral­isa­tion) or to do without Chinese imports, why not? There is a need to inform some of the debates by tak­ing into account people’s mor­al pref­er­ences, and by meas­ur­ing what this means economically.

Interview by Richard Robert

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