Beyond rationality: what happens when emotion drives geopolitics?
- Affective and emotional factors are key to understanding the modern world.
- Since 2022, negative emotions seem to have taken precedence over positive ones.
- Donald Trump was propelled to the White House by a culture of fear. Fear of immigrants, fear of decline, fear of “the other” in general …
- When systematically triggered, passion distances us collectively from reason.
- The use of social media, combined with technological developments, has significantly strengthened the influence of emotions on public debate.
Long viewed with suspicion and considered incompatible with scientific rigour, emotions have been sidelined when it comes to geopolitical analysis. Yet their role in shaping the behaviour of states continues to grow, as we have seen with recent international events since the early 2020s. Without falling into the trap of “emotional imperialism”, the research of geopolitical scholar Dominique Moïsi has demonstrated over the past two decades the need to consider the affective and emotional dimensions in our understanding of the contemporary world.
If emotions have gradually become a key focus of analysis in your work, what was the starting point?
Dominique Moïsi. The starting point for my research into the role of emotions lies in my work on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Having taken part in numerous dialogues since the mid-1980s, on both the Israeli side in Tel Aviv and the Palestinian side in Jerusalem, one conclusion became clear. The territorial and security dimensions were not enough to explain such a long-running conflict. As such, it was clear that a subjective and emotional element was clouding the dialogue.
This can be seen in the form of a superiority complex, and a culture of resentment linked to the Holocaust on the Israeli side. Conversely, on the Palestinian side, an inferiority complex and a culture of humiliation prevail. Identifying these collective emotions proved essential to understanding the full range of tensions and issues at stake. It soon became apparent that this framework extended beyond the scope of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict alone.
From the late 2000s onwards, you have attributed dominant emotions, namely hope, fear and humiliation, to different regions of the world. What does this emotional mapping reveal?
In 2008, three dominant emotions across the world reflected three distinct relationships with the key concept of trust. In Asia, driven by economic growth and China’s integration into global trade, the hope for a better future was the primary expression of this trust. Conversely, in the West a negative emotion dominated: fear. Confidence in the future was eroding in the wake of an unprecedented financial crisis, with the realisation that the difficulties would be even greater the day after. Finally, in the Arab-Muslim world, a sense of humiliation had destroyed confidence in the future. This region was characterised by a glorious, even glorified, past, which had given way to a painful present and a future perceived as non-existent.
Nearly two decades later, this thesis appears to have been borne out. Asia’s position has strengthened, the West is no longer the central player it once was, and humiliation remains a key lens through which to understand the Arab-Muslim world.
Although emotions are inherent to human nature, does the 2020s mark their rise to prominence in the history of international relations?
Emotions are indeed inherent to human beings, but some reveal the best in humanity, whilst others portend the worst. Since 2022, negative emotions seem to have taken precedence over positive ones. Three key dates help to explain this shift.
On 24th February 2022 the war in Ukraine, now in its fifth year, demonstrated Russia’s inability to prevail; on 7th October 2023 the war in Gaza began, which continues to reshape the geopolitical balance in the Middle East; and 5th November 2024, marking Donald Trump’s return to office in the United States. A return that signals the shift from a country upholding a principle of order to a culture of disorder. In each of these situations, negative emotions have played a major role and must be incorporated into analytical frameworks in order to understand the chaos that lies ahead.
Donald Trump was propelled into the White House by a culture of fear. Fear of immigrants, fear of “the other” in general, fear of decline… The US President is not merely contradictory or incoherent in his choices – he is irrational, imposing a tariff war on his allies that has largely backfired on him. As for Vladimir Putin, his decisions are driven by a desire for revenge against the West, but also by the fear of seeing a democratic country on his borders that is oriented towards Europe and its values.
Have new technologies encouraged this emotional governance at the expense of rationality?
Artificial intelligence has changed some of the rules of the game on the international stage. This technology is transforming the art of war and narrowing the gap between “the weak” and “the strong”. For example, the Russian army has still not achieved the victory it had hoped for against Ukrainian forces. More recently, Iran has managed to put the US administration in a difficult position by maintaining the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz.
Furthermore, in an increasingly polarised world, social media plays an infinitely more significant role, amplified by artificial intelligence. Its use, combined with technological developments, has greatly strengthened the influence of emotions on public debate. The more divided a society is, the more technological tools fuel these emotions, which become more intense and difficult to control.
From emotion to passion: have we crossed the line?
Emotion is a powerful term, but passion is even more so. The main difference lies in their duration. Emotion is meant to be fleeting, whereas passion is long-lasting. The latter is more dangerous, and when activated systematically, it distances us collectively from reason.
This phenomenon can be observed in several contexts. For example, faced with China’s rise to power, the United States would need its allies. Yet the White House has often opted for the opposite approach, humiliating them on several occasions. Again, regarding Beijing, Moscow would need the West’s support, as the long-term strategic threat lies to the East. By choosing the opposite course, the risk of becoming a vassal state of China increases. Finally, Israel, which has never needed allies more, has isolated itself diplomatically whilst destroying its soft power since 2023. In decision-making, passion has triumphed over all other strategic considerations.
So, how can states still govern rationally in the future?
Recent examples, in Hungary or Moldova, remind us that we have a duty to hope. Under no circumstances must we resign ourselves to the rise of populism, which systematically stirs up negative emotions among citizens. Immanuel Kant called for moral clarity; I would add ethical common sense to that. Moral clarity and ethical common sense are thus essential responses to the rise of negative passions.

