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Three hidden loyalties that prevent us from solving problems

Patrice Georget
Patrice Georget
Lecturer in Psychosociology at the University School of Management IAE Caen

Ana­lys­ing a prob­lem object­ively, ima­gin­ing ration­al solu­tions and choos­ing the most rel­ev­ant options implies tak­ing a reas­on­able step back from three psy­cho­lo­gic­al “loy­al­ties” or biases of which we are not always aware.

#1 Loy­alty to the past

Fix­a­tion effect

Have you ever had a fixed idea that pre­ven­ted you from mov­ing for­ward? You try to get rid of it, by think­ing about some­thing else, for example, but the more you try to stop think­ing about it, the more the idea comes back and blocks your thought pro­cesses. This phe­nomen­on occurs when men­tal auto­mat­isms have been inter­n­al­ised. It is true that this allows us to solve recur­rent prob­lems quickly and effi­ciently, but a prob­lem often has an unex­pec­ted character.

To under­stand the dynam­ics of fixed ideas, let’s start with a very simple prob­lem-solv­ing task: to devise as many solu­tions as pos­sible in ten minutes so that a chick­en egg dropped from a height of 10 metres does not break! Let’s see how the “fix­a­tion” effect of auto­mat­isms linked to pro­fes­sion­al prac­tices works1. When we put this prob­lem to engin­eers or indus­tri­al design­ers, we find that the lat­ter are more cre­at­ive: they come up with more ideas, and these ideas are more ori­gin­al. They have an impli­cit loy­alty to their pro­fes­sion­al back­ground, even though this is irrel­ev­ant to the prob­lem to be solved.

Is it pos­sible to com­bat these effects? Return­ing to our egg drop prob­lem, the research­ers2 provided an example along with their instruc­tions to help the par­ti­cipants solve this prob­lem: « you can, for example, design a para­chute for the egg, » they explained. The res­ult was counter-intu­it­ive, how­ever, since this example leads to a drop in the num­ber of solu­tions on the one hand and a drop in their ori­gin­al­ity on the oth­er. This was true for both engin­eers and designers.

How should we inter­pret these res­ults? Research­ers will show that some examples (known as restrict­ive examples) reduce cre­ativ­ity while oth­ers (expans­ive examples) will increase it. In our situ­ation, the example of the para­chute is a restrict­ive example in the sense that it is one of the most clas­sic examples. It is com­mon and has noth­ing ori­gin­al about it since it is usu­ally cited spon­tan­eously by the par­ti­cipants. But, provid­ing it as an example will activ­ate a fixed idea and lim­it reflec­tion. Where­as expans­ive examples such as « train an eagle to retrieve the egg in flight; freeze the egg » are more unex­pec­ted, they will have the effect of free­ing the mind from the fix­a­tion effect.

In oth­er words, it is pos­sible to stim­u­late par­ti­cipant cre­ativ­ity in prob­lem solv­ing, provided that you avoid activ­at­ing the fix­a­tion effect by not provid­ing clas­sic­al examples and encour­age by provid­ing atyp­ic­al examples.

#2 Loy­alty to the present

Emo­tions and imme­di­acy bias

There are few situ­ations in which we solve prob­lems with com­plete peace of mind: stress, fatigue, haste and emo­tions are the daily lot of many pro­fes­sions. What is the weight of these factors in the way we approach a prob­lem? To answer this, let us con­sider a well-known prob­lem-solv­ing situ­ation: the ulti­mat­um game 34.

Ima­gine a play­er (the « pro­poser ») who is giv­en 100 euros. He is tasked with split­ting this amount with a second play­er. The lat­ter, the « respon­der », must accept the sum or refuse it. If they accept, both play­ers go home with the money. If they refuse, both play­ers have to give all the money back and go home empty-handed. The res­ults of course show many vari­ations (e.g. accord­ing to anonym­ity, age), but it can be seen that the pro­posers alloc­ate on aver­age 40% of the ini­tial sum to the respon­der. How do respon­ders respond? Well, when the amount offered to them is less than 20% of the amount to be shared, respon­ders refuse the money, con­sid­er­ing that they have been wronged: they would rather lose and have someone lose than be treated in a way that is con­sidered highly unfair.

Based on these res­ults, many research­ers56 have manip­u­lated the emo­tion­al states of par­ti­cipants (in this case the respon­ders). What do the res­ults show? In situ­ations of intense emo­tion, such as anger or indig­na­tion, respond­ents have a heightened mor­al sens­it­iv­ity. They tend to refuse offers that are not close to 50/50. In oth­er words, they would rather lose than see the oth­er per­son get more than them! The res­ol­u­tion of the prob­lem is thus determ­ined more by how they man­age their frus­tra­tion than by the pro­spect of gain. They want equal­ity more than fair­ness and there­fore pos­i­tion them­selves in a pun­it­ive pos­ture in rela­tion to the pro­poser. It is the imme­di­acy bias that gov­erns the way they deal with the situ­ation, to the det­ri­ment of the time per­spect­ive of a mon­et­ary reward of the ‘bet­ter than noth­ing’ type.

Think about the unpleas­ant email you receive from a col­league, and how you will deal with it: do you reply back imme­di­ately to vent your frus­tra­tion straight away, even if you regret it later, or do you write a response and save it in drafts to read the next day after you have had time to reflect? It’s a ques­tion of man­aging the present time! Neg­at­ive emo­tion­al states are asso­ci­ated with ris­ki­er beha­viours as they oper­ate in an ‘accel­er­ated present’ that ignores tomor­row: beware of your­self in the present!

#3 Loy­alty to the future

Excess­ive optim­ism and belief in one’s own promises

We try to solve many future prob­lems in the present by mak­ing prom­ises we believe in, but which we will not always keep. It is not because we have planned to act in a cer­tain way that we will neces­sar­ily do so in a giv­en situ­ation: atti­tudes and good inten­tions are some­times poor pre­dict­ors of beha­viour7. For example, it is not because we have fol­lowed, under­stood and accep­ted a safety train­ing ses­sion that we will remain vigil­ant, attent­ive and avoid danger or reduce risk-tak­ing when we have to solve a par­tic­u­lar prob­lem. At issue is the optim­ism bias, which leads us to believe today that we will be less exposed to neg­at­ive events tomor­row than oth­er people. As a res­ult, we min­im­ise the dif­fi­culty of future prob­lems and some­times become spe­cial­ists in mak­ing unten­able prom­ises: think of com­mit­ments to lose weight, reduce our addic­tions, reg­u­late our emo­tions, com­plete a pro­ject on time, etc.

Some of our prom­ises escape us because we lack mod­esty about our future selves. In oth­er words, our way of look­ing at tomor­row’s prob­lems today lacks real­ism con­cern­ing the nature of the prob­lem we will face and our abil­ity to man­age this future situ­ation. Of course, it is not about becom­ing pess­im­ist­ic, but put­ting in place coun­ter­meas­ures to « fight back » when required.

This is how Odys­seus acts in the Odys­sey: Odys­seus, known as ‘the wily one’, is aware of the weak­nesses of the human will and how dif­fi­cult it will be to res­ist the sirens’ songs if he hears them in the future. All the over-ambi­tious sail­ors before him fell vic­tim to their own over­con­fid­ence and were there­fore devoured by the sirens. Curi­ous by nature, Odys­seus wants to gain access to this unat­tain­able know­ledge any­way, while dis­trust­ing him­self at the same time. He uses a stratagem to con­trol the per­son he will be in the future by hav­ing him­self tied to the mast of his ship while his sail­ors put wax balls in their ears to avoid them hear­ing the sirens. Arriv­ing near the island of the mer­maids and seduced by their song, Odys­seus begs his com­pan­ions to untie him, but they don’t. This pre­vent­ive strategy stops him from suc­cumb­ing to the sirens. Odys­seus grows thanks to this epis­ode as he now knows bet­ter than any­one how the human soul can be manipulated.

To achieve this, he forced him­self to lim­it his choices by exer­cising a con­strain­ing self-con­trol. This is a way of solv­ing prob­lems by anti­cip­at­ing the self! These strategies for anti­cip­at­ing future prob­lems are called ‘self-nudging’8910. They help to anti­cip­ate impuls­ive beha­viour gov­erned by over-optim­ism. You already use gentle self-nudging tech­niques to anti­cip­ate a future that is dif­fi­cult to con­trol: the piggy bank you buy to keep your hol­i­day money safe, or the prom­ise you pub­licly make to all your friends that you will lose weight by the sum­mer… In con­clu­sion, there are three prices to pay for solv­ing prob­lems with dis­cern­ment: make peace with your past11, be wary of the accel­er­ated present, and cen­sor cer­tain beha­viours planned for tomor­row… Con­trolling our dark side is far from being a smooth ride!

1Agogué, M., Le Mas­son, P., Dal­masso, C., Houdé, O., & Cas­sotti, M. (2015). Res­ist­ing clas­sic­al solu­tions: The cre­at­ive mind of indus­tri­al design­ers and engin­eers. Psy­cho­logy of Aes­thet­ics, Cre­ativ­ity, and the Arts, 9(3), 313–318.
2Cas­sotti, M., Camarda, A., Poirel, N., Houdé, O. & Agogué, M. (2016). Fix­a­tion effect in cre­at­ive ideas gen­er­a­tion: Oppos­ite impacts of example in chil­dren and adults. Think­ing Skills and Cre­ativ­ity, Elsevi­er, 19, pp.146 – 152.
3Güth W., Schmittber­ger R. et Schwar­ze B. (1982). An exper­i­ment­al ana­lys­is of ulti­mat­um bar­gain­ing. Journ­al of Eco­nom­ic Beha­vi­or and Organ­iz­a­tion, 3, 367–388.
4Tis­serand, J.-C. (2016). Le jeu de l’ultimatum, une méta-ana­lyse de 30 années de recherches expéri­mentales. L’Actualité économique, 92 (1–2), 289–314.
5Andrade E. B., & Ari­ely D. (2009). The endur­ing impact of tran­si­ent emo­tions on decision mak­ing, Organ­iz­a­tion­al Beha­vi­or and Human Decision Pro­cesses, 109(1), 1–8.
6Petit, E. (2009). Émo­tions et prise de décision dans le jeu de l’ultimatum. Les Cahiers Inter­na­tionaux de Psy­cho­lo­gie Sociale, 83, 71–90
7Ajzen, I. (2011). The the­ory of planned beha­vi­or: Reac­tions and reflec­tions. Psy­cho­logy & Health, 26, 1113–1127
8Lades, L. K. (2014). Impuls­ive con­sump­tion and reflex­ive thought: Nudging eth­ic­al con­sumer beha­vi­or. Journ­al of Eco­nom­ic Psychology,41, 114–128.
9Torma, G., Aschem­ann-Wizel, J. & Thogersen, J. (2018). I nudge myself: Explor­ing ‘self nudging’ strategies to drive sus­tain­able con­sump­tion beha­viour. Inter­na­tion­al Journ­al of Con­sumer Stud­ies, 42, 141–154.
10Reiju­la, S., & Her­twig, R. (2020). Self-nudging and the cit­izen choice archi­tect. Beha­vi­or­al Pub­lic Policy, 1–31.
11Mon­estès, J.L. (2013). Faire la paix avec son passé. Par­is, Odile Jac­ob.

Contributors

Patrice Georget

Patrice Georget

Lecturer in Psychosociology at the University School of Management IAE Caen

Patrice Georget is a lecturer and researcher in psycho-sociology at the IAE Caen University school of management, which he directed from 2015 to 2020. He has been an industry consultant in diversity management and risk prevention. He has been an expert for the APM (Association Progrès du Management) since 2009 and a GERME speaker.

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